Sandhaus Milevski Nahal Yarmut (original) (raw)
Related papers
Bagh-e Nazar, 2024
Problem statement: The role and position of the house in Iranian architecture have been of paramount importance since ancient times, and various patterns influenced by factors such as climate, religion, and culture can be observed in the design of each of them. The principle of privacy, which is one of the valuable principles in Iranian architecture, has also been used in the structure of historical houses. In Iranian houses, this principle is derived from religious, cultural, social beliefs, and other factors in the integration of architectural structure. Objective: This study aims to evaluate the hierarchy of access with an emphasis on privacy and attention to patterns and spaces in the architecture of historical houses in Iran within the framework of the integration of architectural structure and lifestyle, and its impact on the examined samples. According to the research hypothesis, it seems that by using spatial arrangement based on the principles of privacy preservation in houses in Tehran during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods, it is possible to achieve functional patterns emphasizing private space and changes in human needs over time. Method: This research involves examining the privacy hierarchy in the entrances of 8 historical houses in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods in Tehran, as well as quantitative analysis and evaluation of spaces. To investigate the principles of indigenous architecture and compare the existing regulations, the mentioned data were collected through field research and analyzed using Spss 22 and Depth Map software. By employing logical reasoning, the correlation between the research criteria in these houses was examined. Results: The results of this study indicate that attention to the hierarchy of access, entrance, and spatial relationships based on responding to the human needs of the two periods under study are among the most important elements in the design of houses of the mentioned era, leading to the definition of patterns for these houses.which led to the definition of patterns.
Enclosing Open Spaces: The Organisation of External Areas in Syro-Hittite Architecture
Architecture of power (Maran et al. eds), 2006
According to architectural theory , architecture is a three-dimensional space in which, looked at in one way, the building elements are the frame of a volume, and, seen in another way, the installations, décor and objects, which are in the space, combine to form it. In the semiotic studies of Greimas and Hammad , this three-dimensional volume includes not only all installations, objects and furniture, but also the people inside it. According to these scholars and others , architecture is a system of signs. The object of an architectural sign is its function , which is the reason why a specific space was formed. This function is a structure of forces which change from time to time and define a general attitude towards reality . The link between space and function, i.e. between the sign and its object , depends on the concept and ideas of the people, as members of a community, who use this sign; it is consequently dependent on culture.
COMMON SOCIO-SPATIAL ASPECTS OF HISTORIC HOUSES IN ARDABIL, IRAN
8
Ardabil is one of the Azeri’s cities in northwest of Iran which is counted as one of the religious cities of the country. The remained historic houses in this city are few in number and all of them were designed by local architects for upper-class or upper-middle-class residents. The oldest house related to the 1780s (late Zand dynasty) and rest of them were designed and constructed between the years 1795 and 1929 (second half of the Qajar dynasty and Pahlavi dynasty). Since the city is located in a mountainous region with a cold climate, domestic architecture and buildings forms have significantly influenced by the climate. On the other hand, religion and its associated culture have an effective role in spatial organization of these houses as well. In this research, first, it has been attempted to decipher and identify the genotypes of the houses using space syntax methods, then by comparing basic syntactic properties and exploring the functions of main living spaces and the lifestyle of the first inhabitants or owners, common socio-spatial patterns between all cases which have affected the spatial organization of these residential buildings are studied. The results show that spatial configuration of the houses is strongly influenced by religion and relational hierarchy. Also, it has been found that the importance of public and private domains (privacy) is the most common characteristic in these houses.
Identifying domestic space in Neolithic eastern Mediterranean: method and theory in spatial studies
1997
The aim of the present thesis is to investigate the way in which space, in particular "bounded" space, such as dwellings, was conceptualised, divided and used in the Neolithic Eastern Mediterranean, and from a methodological point of view, to examine the degree up to which current archaeological research and the information it provides, is sufficient to deal with these kind of issues. Preface ix-x Chapter 1: The archaeological record and its nature Archaeological research during the pre-processual period, in the beginning of the century, was still to be characterised by these 'old' affinities with other disciplines. One has only to mention some of the most influential works of the period and their relation to neighbouring disciplines: a) The work of Franz Boas (Boas 1911, 1928, 1927). which had a great impact on methodological procedures in archaeology (data collection, classification, stratigraphy), and led to 'historical particularism' and the understanding of culture as a 'pattern of norms' (Earle and Preucel 1987:503). was mainly the result of anthropological studies on modern communities. b) The classificatorv system developed by Oscar Montelious (Montelius 1903), which despite the fact that it has been proved very useful for archaeology, was nevertheless the outcome of the interest of a natural scientist in the problem of chronological sequences. c) Finally at the level of interpretation, the whole debate of functionalism, that characterises this period and was also used later by processualists (in the form of 'systems theory'), was initiated by a 4 French sociologist, E. Durkheim (Durkheim 1938), who had very little interest in the study of past societies. The main criticism of the model, the fact that its analysis overlooks the structure in a socio¬ political system, could be explained and understood if one takes into consideration that the model was developed to explain modern communities where the socio-political structure was already evident. Set in this framew ork, the lack of interest in the concept of the archaeological record is not surprising. It seems to be rather the result of a discipline that was unable yet to define its field and matter of inquiry. Anthropology, focusing on living communities, seems to have had always strong links with archaeology due to the subject matter of its analysis: archaeological evidence provided the historical depth that anthropology7 was lacking, while anthropology, made obvious the variety and richness of information that archaeology was missing. However, apart from the methodological issues, the links between the two disciplines are also evident in the objectives that archaeology set for itself during this period. The three main tasks of archaeological enquiry: 'historiography', (the compilation of culture history), the reconstruction of life ways, and the analysis of cultural processes (Binford 1968. Willey and Phillips 1958), have been all developed in parallel with similar approaches in anthropology (Flannery 1967). However, historical reviews on the subject usually characterise archaeology as been "consistently one stage behind anthropology in its concrete accomplishments'' (Leone 1972:16, also Flannery 1967:119) and 'accuse' it of providing merely descriptive analysis. While the debate about archaeology's relationship with other disciplines continuous, and constitutes on of the most controversial and vivid areas of enquiiy for current research, it is quite obvious that archaeology in its earlier stages borrowed both its methodological and interpretative models from neighbouring fields, loosing sometimes control on its own agenda. As illustrated from the preceding review, one could argue that the descriptive nature of archaeology in this period and its focus on classification and chronology, were rather the result of the interest that other disciplines had in the archaeological record, than a conscious choice of archaeological research itself. Archaeologists, in their effort to cope with the increasing quantity of data, gradually became aware of the potential and the problems of their record, but it was only after World War II, with the technological 'revolution' of the 1950s (see below), that they finally moved to a level of 'critical selfconsciousness', in which attempts were made 'to control the direction and destiny' of the discipline by a 'closer understanding of its internal structure and the potential of the external environment' (Clarke 1973:7). iii) methodological procedures employed for the examination of the archaeological record: The methods employed for the study of the archaeological material are equally significant and indicative of the general atmosphere in the particular period. Takkgren (1937:154-155) describes the atmosphere of the period in the most characteristic way: 5 "...the whole subject [of archaeology] consists merely of a comparison of forms and systematisation...Forms and types...have been regarded as much more real and alive than the society which created them...'". Few decades later, research was exactly at the same point, with Gordon Willey in America admitting that he has "nothing more to offer titan a descriptive synthesis" (Willey 1962:1). and Jean-Claude Gardin in France seeking a standardised way for the "economical presentation and dissemination of artefact descriptions" because researchers seemed to spend more time 'in assembling data titan in analysing them" (Gardin 1958: 335) The analytical model followed in the pre-processual period is that of induction. Archaeologists gather their observational data "as objectively as possible", classifyand categorise their material and at the end form an interpretative model, a synthesis, that would give meaning to the data (Taylor 1948: 115). This method will be later highly criticised as being merely descriptive, and based on "strict empiricism", 'intuitive inferences', 'generalisations' and 'psychological objectivity' (Binford and Sabloff 1982:137, Binford 1968a: 11). After World War II (50s) and the introduction of more sophisticated techniques of analysis, archaeological methods improved and changed dramatically (Clarke 1973). The invention of radiocarbon (14C) dating, as well as a whole range of new techniques concerning site location, data recovery and processing, artefact studies and environmental studies, were to indicate the potential of the information available in the archaeological record and at the same time to expose the inadequacies of the explanatory models in use. However, despite the general dissatisfaction with the methods and the classifications that were employed (Erasmus 1950. Ford 1954), research did not manage to overcome the 'old', 'simplistic', 'comparative' approach, and it was only in the 60s-70s, that significant changes in archaeological theory and practice came about. Before we proceed to the next period, particular reference should be given to the work of two American anthropologists: Julian Steward and Walter Taylor because of the impact they had on later developments and their importance for the methodological approach adopted by the present thesis. Julian Steward was interested in explaining cultural change and the role that ecological factors played in the formation of sociocultural systems. An ethnologist himself, he also carried out archaeological research and he argued that both disciplines should focus on an ecological analysis of human behaviour (Trigger 1989: 279). Following the belief that adaptation to the emironment could cause cultural change, he sought, by means of comparative studies, to determine the different ways in which human populations adapted to their environment. His research on the Ancient Caves of the Great Salt Lake Region (Steward 1937) was an attempt towards this direction. Based on data from both archaeological and ethnographic settlement 6 'meaning' (processualism and post-processualism). Without undermining the importance of specialised studies, it will be argued that another equally important field of enquiry, is the view of the record as a whole in contextual terms. The following analysis will attempt such an examination, reviewing the material from Neolithic Eastern Mediterranean from a contextual point of view and at 24 a cross-cultural level (chapter III, IV, V). Before the analysis however, it is necessary to examine the way that archaeological evidence has been approached in spatial studies (chapter II).. 25 CHAPTER II SPATIAL STUDIES-ANTHROPOLOGICAL MODELS-AND THE ROLE OF ARCHAEOLOGY "The model could be tested...by digging Natufian/PPNA huts separately, analysing their contents separately, and using statistical programs to identify the number, sex, and age of the occupant(s) of each hut. I would be willing to collaborate in such a study, but am not holding my breath until it happens: most of my Near Eastern colleagues would rather be buried up to their necks in fire ants than have to test an anthropological model." (Flannery 1993:115)(emphasis added) 2.1 Identifying domestic space in the Neolithic period: archaeological activity and available information "...the solution of intricate problems related to cultural changes should not be based on one or two isolated phenomena or the examination of limited categories of objects, but on a global survey of everything that is known about the period under discussion in order to achieve convincing interpretations." (Karageorghis 1989:x) 4.1
2006
The aim of the present thesis is to investigate the way in which space, in particular "bounded" space, such as dwellings, was conceptualised, divided and used in the Neolithic Eastern Mediterranean, and from a methodological point of view, to examine the degree up to which current archaeological research and the information it provides, is sufficient to deal with these kind of issues. Preface ix-x Chapter 1: The archaeological record and its nature Archaeological research during the pre-processual period, in the beginning of the century, was still to be characterised by these 'old' affinities with other disciplines. One has only to mention some of the most influential works of the period and their relation to neighbouring disciplines: a) The work of Franz Boas (Boas 1911, 1928, 1927). which had a great impact on methodological procedures in archaeology (data collection, classification, stratigraphy), and led to 'historical particularism' and the understanding of culture as a 'pattern of norms' (Earle and Preucel 1987:503). was mainly the result of anthropological studies on modern communities. b) The classificatorv system developed by Oscar Montelious (Montelius 1903), which despite the fact that it has been proved very useful for archaeology, was nevertheless the outcome of the interest of a natural scientist in the problem of chronological sequences. c) Finally at the level of interpretation, the whole debate of functionalism, that characterises this period and was also used later by processualists (in the form of 'systems theory'), was initiated by a 4 French sociologist, E. Durkheim (Durkheim 1938), who had very little interest in the study of past societies. The main criticism of the model, the fact that its analysis overlooks the structure in a socio¬ political system, could be explained and understood if one takes into consideration that the model was developed to explain modern communities where the socio-political structure was already evident. Set in this framew ork, the lack of interest in the concept of the archaeological record is not surprising. It seems to be rather the result of a discipline that was unable yet to define its field and matter of inquiry. Anthropology, focusing on living communities, seems to have had always strong links with archaeology due to the subject matter of its analysis: archaeological evidence provided the historical depth that anthropology7 was lacking, while anthropology, made obvious the variety and richness of information that archaeology was missing. However, apart from the methodological issues, the links between the two disciplines are also evident in the objectives that archaeology set for itself during this period. The three main tasks of archaeological enquiry: 'historiography', (the compilation of culture history), the reconstruction of life ways, and the analysis of cultural processes (Binford 1968. Willey and Phillips 1958), have been all developed in parallel with similar approaches in anthropology (Flannery 1967). However, historical reviews on the subject usually characterise archaeology as been "consistently one stage behind anthropology in its concrete accomplishments'' (Leone 1972:16, also Flannery 1967:119) and 'accuse' it of providing merely descriptive analysis. While the debate about archaeology's relationship with other disciplines continuous, and constitutes on of the most controversial and vivid areas of enquiiy for current research, it is quite obvious that archaeology in its earlier stages borrowed both its methodological and interpretative models from neighbouring fields, loosing sometimes control on its own agenda. As illustrated from the preceding review, one could argue that the descriptive nature of archaeology in this period and its focus on classification and chronology, were rather the result of the interest that other disciplines had in the archaeological record, than a conscious choice of archaeological research itself. Archaeologists, in their effort to cope with the increasing quantity of data, gradually became aware of the potential and the problems of their record, but it was only after World War II, with the technological 'revolution' of the 1950s (see below), that they finally moved to a level of 'critical selfconsciousness', in which attempts were made 'to control the direction and destiny' of the discipline by a 'closer understanding of its internal structure and the potential of the external environment' (Clarke 1973:7). iii) methodological procedures employed for the examination of the archaeological record: The methods employed for the study of the archaeological material are equally significant and indicative of the general atmosphere in the particular period. Takkgren (1937:154-155) describes the atmosphere of the period in the most characteristic way: 5 "...the whole subject [of archaeology] consists merely of a comparison of forms and systematisation...Forms and types...have been regarded as much more real and alive than the society which created them...'". Few decades later, research was exactly at the same point, with Gordon Willey in America admitting that he has "nothing more to offer titan a descriptive synthesis" (Willey 1962:1). and Jean-Claude Gardin in France seeking a standardised way for the "economical presentation and dissemination of artefact descriptions" because researchers seemed to spend more time 'in assembling data titan in analysing them" (Gardin 1958: 335) The analytical model followed in the pre-processual period is that of induction. Archaeologists gather their observational data "as objectively as possible", classifyand categorise their material and at the end form an interpretative model, a synthesis, that would give meaning to the data (Taylor 1948: 115). This method will be later highly criticised as being merely descriptive, and based on "strict empiricism", 'intuitive inferences', 'generalisations' and 'psychological objectivity' (Binford and Sabloff 1982:137, Binford 1968a: 11). After World War II (50s) and the introduction of more sophisticated techniques of analysis, archaeological methods improved and changed dramatically (Clarke 1973). The invention of radiocarbon (14C) dating, as well as a whole range of new techniques concerning site location, data recovery and processing, artefact studies and environmental studies, were to indicate the potential of the information available in the archaeological record and at the same time to expose the inadequacies of the explanatory models in use. However, despite the general dissatisfaction with the methods and the classifications that were employed (Erasmus 1950. Ford 1954), research did not manage to overcome the 'old', 'simplistic', 'comparative' approach, and it was only in the 60s-70s, that significant changes in archaeological theory and practice came about. Before we proceed to the next period, particular reference should be given to the work of two American anthropologists: Julian Steward and Walter Taylor because of the impact they had on later developments and their importance for the methodological approach adopted by the present thesis. Julian Steward was interested in explaining cultural change and the role that ecological factors played in the formation of sociocultural systems. An ethnologist himself, he also carried out archaeological research and he argued that both disciplines should focus on an ecological analysis of human behaviour (Trigger 1989: 279). Following the belief that adaptation to the emironment could cause cultural change, he sought, by means of comparative studies, to determine the different ways in which human populations adapted to their environment. His research on the Ancient Caves of the Great Salt Lake Region (Steward 1937) was an attempt towards this direction. Based on data from both archaeological and ethnographic settlement 6 'meaning' (processualism and post-processualism). Without undermining the importance of specialised studies, it will be argued that another equally important field of enquiry, is the view of the record as a whole in contextual terms. The following analysis will attempt such an examination, reviewing the material from Neolithic Eastern Mediterranean from a contextual point of view and at 24 a cross-cultural level (chapter III, IV, V). Before the analysis however, it is necessary to examine the way that archaeological evidence has been approached in spatial studies (chapter II).. 25 CHAPTER II SPATIAL STUDIES-ANTHROPOLOGICAL MODELS-AND THE ROLE OF ARCHAEOLOGY "The model could be tested...by digging Natufian/PPNA huts separately, analysing their contents separately, and using statistical programs to identify the number, sex, and age of the occupant(s) of each hut. I would be willing to collaborate in such a study, but am not holding my breath until it happens: most of my Near Eastern colleagues would rather be buried up to their necks in fire ants than have to test an anthropological model." (Flannery 1993:115)(emphasis added) 2.1 Identifying domestic space in the Neolithic period: archaeological activity and available information "...the solution of intricate problems related to cultural changes should not be based on one or two isolated phenomena or the examination of limited categories of objects, but on a global survey of everything that is known about the period under discussion in order to achieve convincing interpretations." (Karageorghis 1989:x) 4.1
Seen and Unseen Spaces, 2015
This paper explores household spatiality using excavated household data from the Early Iron Age settlement of Zagora on Andros, in Greece. The site has extensive household remains, undisturbed by subsequent occupation, with clear evidence of an intensification of spatial arrangements during the final phase of occupation. As such, the Zagora material is well-suited to nuanced investigations of space and human behaviour. The principles of convex spatial analysis (access analysis) are employed as a first step in examining spatial arrangements and control in the context of human behaviour. Emphasis is placed on the value of access analysis as a visual (rather than quantitative) tool for exploring the use and perception of space from partially preserved household remains. This research queries how identified patterns of access and communication might have shaped the experience and social perception of household space. It examines the degree of control over sight, movement and the level of interaction between household inhabitants and the larger community. It then considers how other spatial attributes such as access to natural light, and the configuration of floor areas, hearths and other built features can help us further explore the functional and social implications of spatial arrangements. This analysis allows for the patterns, characteristics and attributes of different spatial systems to be readily and visually assessed. Most importantly, the approach is provisional not prescriptive, and does not prioritise one spatial interpretation over others.
BASOR, 2021
The existence of temples within urban, rural, and extramural settings in the Middle and Late Bronze Age southern Levant is well documented. However, defining what qualifies these spaces as "cul-tic" is significantly less clear. Accordingly, in this paper I utilize access analysis to define sacred space as a unique category of spatial configuration within the region, one that contrasts with other types of public and domestic spaces. As such, the trajectory and evolution of Canaanite temples and cultic architecture diverge in a number of ways from other types of spaces. I demonstrate this visually by supplying justified gamma maps for cultic and non-cultic architecture, underscoring the contrasting nature between the access to, movement through, and control of Canaanite temples and that of their domestic and palatial counterparts. The implications of this are remarkable. What emerges from this study is that Canaanite temples were unique not only in terms of the role they played within their surrounding landscapes and region, but also in how they were differentiated from temples and temple institutions of the surrounding ancient Near East, with relation to the rise of urbanization, social complexity, and elite control of religious institutions.
Bagh-e Nazar Journal, 2023
Problem statement: The Iranian concept of ‘home’ goes beyond the physical aspects and is intertwined with the spiritual characteristics of the audience. In the structure of traditional Iranian houses, the design of the small spaces of the house has been based on the needs of the residents, and these needs have influenced the spatial relationships of the house. Investigating the entrance hierarchy in traditional Iranian houses leads to a better understanding of its design principles for contemporary houses. Research objective: This study attempts to investigate the spatial structure of the entrance in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi traditional houses to extract the most important factors affecting the quality of the entrance through the space arrangement technique. What items are important and practical for the analysis and configuration of the entrance space so that they can answer the residents’ need for psychological and identity security? Research method: In the first step, after selecting and examining 8 houses from two different periods, in the next step, the selected samples were analyzed using the space arrangement technique and by DEPTH-MAP software. This method is based on the use of graphs that describe the relationships between spaces through concepts such as connection, depth, integration, selection, and control. Conclusion: it shows that the structure of traditional houses provides better solutions in the field of entry hierarchy and deprivation, and the spaces around the entrance, especially the courtyard, play a communicative role in the entry system. This study shows that the entrance and its spatial relationships respond to human needs. The two periods in question are the most important physical factors in the Qajar houses and the Pahlavi period, which has analyzed these spaces to achieve the issue of deprivation, which is one of their basic foundations.
2017
The Nabataean Mansion at az-Zantur in Petra is one of the most elaborated architectural monuments has so far been discovered, and still among the few excavated Nabataean domestic architecture in the region. It covers a large area (1200m in area), and was richly decorated with mosaic, opus sectile, fresco and molded stucco. The date of its first two phases has been established on stratigraphic sequence of pottery, coins and cross-cultural evidence to the Nabataean period of the first century AD. The origin of the plan of this mansion , however, may be considered as a matter of debate. The excavator has suggested that this mansion was inspired by Ptolemaic palatial architecture, e.g the Palazzo delle Collonne in Cyrenaica. Here we argue, on space syntax method (SSM) basis, another possible source for the plan of this mansion i.e. the "Seleucid Governor Palaces'. Space Syntax analysis has wide application in and for archaeology including understanding features of social architecture, functional pattern of buildings, social identity, amongst others. The SSM method will be applied to compare, beside the spatial layout, the syntactic values and genotypes of the Nab-ataean mansion at az-Zantur-Petra with other palatial architecture in the Hellenistic Near East i.e. with the recently discovered Seleucid governor palace in Syria.
This short research paper was submitted to the University of British Columbia Russ Patrick Undergraduate Research Writing Award in 2014. It is based on a research project completed as an undergraduate research assistant for Professor Kevin Fisher at the Department of Classical, Near Eastern, and Religious Studies at the University of British Columbia in 2013. The focus of this paper is the application of Space Syntax analysis by means of DepthmapX to several Bronze Age built environments on Cyprus in order to better understand the social dimension of space in terms of circulation and visibility. The paper focuses on the “Ashlar Building” at Enkomi, which was used as a case study for the application of Space Syntax methodology.