Distributed records in the Rohingya refugee diaspora: Arweave and the R-Archive (original) (raw)
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This report is the first by an organization that specializes in indigenous rights. It provides verbatim the accounts of Rohingya refugees interviewed in March of 2018. 1. The 2017 crisis should not be isolated, but placed in the context of a long-lasting series of conflicts that have been occurring since the 40s. 2. From the 25th of August 2017, the Burmese army (Tatmadaw) sought to clear out the townships of (1) Maungdaw and of (2) Buthidaung (both in the Maungdaw District), as well as a (3) micro-region of Rathedaung (Sittwe District) that is adjacent to Maungdaw of their majority Muslim populations. It conducted a campaign of terror that included group executions, rape, atrocities, and at least two massacres. 3. The modus operandi for the violence generally follows a pattern: (1) the army enters into a village, shoots at the villagers, sets areas afire, and sometimes commits atrocities; (2) the villagers then flee and hide themselves in one or several muro (forests, mountains) for several days; (3) the army does not follow them; (4) finally, the villagers set off walking, sometimes for many days, to the Bangladeshi border. 4. The campaign of terror's main targets have been men; young men between 20 and 30 years of age are disproportionately the main victims of this mass violence. Eliticide is another dimension of the repression. 5. The lack of representation, leadership, and interlocution from the Rohingya is a significant anthropological fact that is politically detrimental to them under current circumstances.
'Immanent Nation: The Rohingya quest for international recognition'
Nations and Nationalism, 2019
This paper lies at the intersection of scholarly literatures on forced migration, politically engaged diasporas, and the use of online platforms and digital technologies for political ends. It follows the efforts of a group of Rohingya diasporic activists using a variety of means, online and offline, to contest the claims and authority of Myanmar, an established territorial state. Their actions can be subsumed into two kinds of politics, a politics of confrontation and a politics of recognition. Taken together, these actions lead to an emergent political formation, a reterritorialised, dispersed, and virtual national community that seeks to mimic some state functions without explicitly calling for self-determination or an independent nation-state. This paper follows four activist projects: YouTube-based Rohingya TV, the effort to join the ConIFA alternative World Football Cup tournament, the campaign to have the Rohingya script recognized by the Unicode Consortium, and the effort to build a database for undocumented Rohingyas using blockchain. This complex of social, political, electronic, and virtual relations is situated against a 20th century political imaginary built around the homeland-people-language trinity, dialectically producing an immanent contradiction.
The Rohingya Refugee Crisis of Myanmar: A History of Persecution and Human Rights Violations
International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research ISSN: 2667-8810 (Online), 2020
The United Nations refers to Rohingya as one of the most persecuted ethnic minorities in the world, and this minority community from the Arakan state of Myanmar crossing by land into Bangladesh, while others take to the sea to reach Malaysia, Indonesia, India and Thailand to escape from persecution. They first arrived in the Arakan on 8th century and ruled this area from 1430 AD to 1784 AD. Rohingya Muslims, along with Burmese Muslims and Buddhists together participated in their Independence movement, participated in the national election and elected as parliament member. But all the achievements and collaboration became failed after a few years later of independence. This study aims to find out the origin and historical background of Rohingya Muslim and chronological state persecution against them. This paper concludes that Rohingya are not illegal settler and their presence in Rakhine state of before the arrival of Mongolian and Tibeti Burmans. After the independence, they are victims of numerous types of oppression, such as denied citizenship, excessive taxation, confiscation of property, mosque destruction, torture, extrajudicial killing, restrictions on freedom of movement and marriage, forced deportation, destruction of houses and villages.
THE ROHINGYA VICTIMS OF HISTORICAL PREJUDICE AND CONFLICTING DEFINITIONS
Hürriyet Daily News, 2017
The full history of the Arakan coastal region of Myanmar has yet to be examined by an equitable historian. The region has most recently been engulfed in a fierce conflict resulting in bloodshed and suffering involving the Muslim people (the Rohingya) of that region and the government of Myanmar. This opinion piece deals with the history of the Muslim people of Myanmar, the Rohingya's, their current situation and the international response.
Rohingya Crisis - The Forgotten People
Statelessness some could say is one of the worst Human Rights abuses of today. For this we will look at the Rohingya. Myanmar's Rohingya people represent a group that has been prosecuted in Burma for their ethnic, cultural and religious differences. Due to their prosecution, they had officially become stateless from 1982. We will investigate the true terminology of statelessness and look at the impact it has on two host countries. This paper will highlight the treatment the Rohingya face in Bangladesh and Burma. Overall, this review will highlight a cross-evaluation of the Human Rights abuses faced today.
A History of Oppression: The Rohingya - An Unwanted People
Global Policy Institute, London, 2020
The large influx of Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh from neighbouring Myanmar in the wake of the August 2017 ‘clearance operation’ conducted by the Myanmar security forces against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine state is only the most recent chapter in the long story of oppression faced by the Rohingya minority. Over the past four decades, the Rohingya of Myanmar have been subjected to ongoing and systematic oppression by the Myanmar regime, acts which the international community has only acknowledged as ‘genocide’ or ‘ethnic cleansing’ in the wake of this most recent atrocity. Given that the recent exodus of the Rohingya from Myanmar has been termed a ‘humanitarian crisis’, how will Bangladesh and the international community be able to respond to the situation? Will Bangladesh be able to broker a bilateral deal with Mynamar that allows the Rohingya refugees to resettle to Myanmar, or is a concerted international effort required to achieve this goal, given the continued refusal by Myanmar to guarantee the safety of its Rohingya population and that outside interests are at play as well?