D.G. Kyle, Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome (original) (raw)

"Preface." In Sylvain Forichon, Les spectateurs des jeux du cirque à Rome (du Ier siècle a.C. au VIe siècle p.C.): passion, émotions et manifestations. Scripta Antiqua 133. Bordeaux: Ausonius, 2021.

2021

Book summary: "L’état de fébrilité du public lors des courses de chars de la Rome antique apparaît, à certains égards, comme un lieu commun dans de nombreux passages de la littérature ancienne parvenus jusqu’à nous. Néanmoins, l’engouement suscité par ces spectacles à Rome, comme dans les provinces de l’Empire, est confirmé non seulement par les ruines de cirques antiques encore visibles de nos jours à Rome, et ailleurs en Europe ou en Afrique du Nord, mais aussi par un grand nombre de représentations de cochers et de chevaux sur des mosaïques, des fresques ou encore des objets dits du quotidien (manches de couteaux, lampes à huile, coupes en verre…) conservés dans plusieurs musées à travers le monde. Après une présentation des sources dont nous disposons sur les spectateurs des cirques romains et des difficultés d’interprétation qu’elles posent, cet ouvrage propose dans un second temps une analyse du comportement des foules dans les cirques durant les jeux, principalement à Rome, en s’appuyant aussi sur des recherches récentes concernant les réactions des supporteurs dans les stades de football de nos jours. Enfin, la dernière partie de cette étude est consacrée aux relations entretenues par les empereurs romains avec les jeux du cirque et leurs spectateurs. Elle met en évidence les nombreux intérêts, mais aussi parfois les inconvénients, que présentaient ces divertissements de masse pour le pouvoir politique dans la Rome impériale."

"Julius Caesar and the Larch Burning Questions at Vitruvius’ De architectura 2.9.15–16." Classical Quarterly 74.1 (2024): 135–148.

2024

This article argues that Vitruvius' description of Julius Caesar's 'discovery' of the larch (larix, De arch. 2.9.15-16), previously read as a journalistic account of the author's first-hand experience in Caesar's military entourage, should instead be interpreted as a highly crafted morality tale illustrating human progress thwarted. In the passage, the use of larch wood to construct a defensive tower renders the Alpine fortress at Larignum impregnable to assault by fire; only the fear aroused by siege provokes the inhabitants to surrender to Caesar and his troops (2.9.15-16). Nevertheless, the outcome of this discovery is not a complete victory, because the logistics of importing this remarkable timber to Rome are as yet insurmountable (2.9.16). Once the siege of Larignum is recognized as a diptych to Vitruvius' narrative of the origins of civilization, in which fire and wood likewise play essential roles (2.1.1-7), and compared with similar aitia and source histories across the De architectura, it becomes clear that Larignum and its resources emblematize obstacles to a Vitruvian conception of imperial success, in which the city of Rome catalogues and indexes architectural knowledge amassed throughout the empire.

'CAESAR, THE GERMANI, AND ROME: ETHNOGRAPHY AND POLITICS IN THE DE BELLO GALLICO' Hyperboreus 18 (2013), 107-126

Hyperboreus, 2013

At the opening of De bello Gallico Caesar gives a description of hostile tribes which is surprisingly positive. They are said to be uncivilized and restless, as we might expect. But he does not judge these characteristics negatively. Rather, he contrasts them favourably with the ‘effeminacy’ of Gaul allies, whom he deems to have been spoiled by contact with Roman civilization. I suggest that this passage and others like it throw light on Caesar’s views concerning society and civilization. Here, in fact, Caesar is using his enemies as a way of reflecting on an alternative and more valuable model for Rome itself. Описание враждебных племен в “Записках о Галльской войне” неожиданным образом предстает весьма позитивным, причем враги противопоставляются “изнеженным” галльским союзникам, на которых, по мнению Цезаря, негативно влияет соседство с римской цивилизацией. Такого рода пассажи проливают свет на социальные и политические взгляды Цезаря. Описание врагов отражает его размышления об альтернативной модели общества – лучшего, чем римское.

SC de Cnaeo Pisone patre (CIL II 2, 5, 900)

A(nte) d(iem) IIII Eid(us) Dec(embres) in Palatio in porticu qua est ad Apollinis [scribendo] / adfuerunt M(arcus) Valer(ius) M(arci) f(ilius) Lem(onia) Messalinus C(aius) Ateius L(uci) f(ilius) Ani(ensis) Capito Sex(tus) Pom[p(eius) Sex(ti) f(ilius)] / Arn(iensis) M(arcus) Pomp(eius) M(arci) f(ilius) Ter(etina) Priscus C(aius) Arrenus C(ai) f(ilius) Gal(eria) Gallus L(ucius) Nonius L(uci) f(ilius) Pom(ptina) Are[nas q(uaestor) M(arcus)] / Vinicius P(ubli) f(ilius) Pob(lilia) q(uaestor) quod Ti(berius) Caesar Aug(usti) f(ilius) Aug(ustus) pontifex maxumus(!) tribunic(ia) potest(ate) XXII co(n)s(ul) III desig(natus) [IIII] / ad senatum rettulit qualis causa Cn(aei) Pisonis visa esset et an merito sibi mortem conscisse vide[retur] / et qualis causa M(arci) Pisonis visa esset cui relationi adiecisset uti precum suarum pro adulescente m[emor] / is ordo esset qualis causa Plancinae visa eset pro qua persona quid petisset et quas propter causa[s ex]/posuisset antea et quid de Visellio Karo et de Sempronio Basso comitibus Cn(aei) Pisonis patris iudicaret / senatus d(e) i(is) r(ebus) i(ta) c(ensuerunt) senatu <m=S> populu<m=S>q(ue) R(omanum) ante omnia dis immortalibus gratias agere quod ne/faris consilis Cn(aei) Pisonis patris tranquillitatem praesentis status r(ei) p(ublicae) quo melior non pote(!) <e=V>t quo{d} beneficio principis nostri frui contigit turbar<i=E> passi non sunt deinde Ti(berio) Caesari Aug(usto) / principi nostro quod earum rerum omnium quae ad explorandam veritatem necessariae / fuerunt copiam senatu<i=S> fecerit cuius aequitatem et patientiam hoc quoq(ue) nomine admirari {se} / senatum quod manufestissim<a=VM> sint Cn(aei) Pisonis patris scelera et ipse de se supplicium sumpsisset nihilominus causa eius cognosci voluerit filiosque eius arcessitos ortatus sit ut patris sui / causam defenderet ita ut eum quoq(ue) qui ordinis senatori nondum esset ob eam rem introduci in / senatum vellet et copiam utrq(ue) dicendi pro patre et pro matre ipsorum et pro M(arco) Pison<e=IM> faceret / itaque cum per aliquo<t=D> dies acta causa sit ab accusatoribus Cn(aei) Pisonis patris et ab ipso Cn(aeo) Pisone / recitatae epistulae recitata exemp{u}laria codicillorum quos Germanicus Caesar Cn(aeo) Pisoni / patri scripsisset producti testes quoiusque(!) ii ordinis sint <senatum?> a<rbit=DMI>rari singularem moderation/em patientiamq(ue) Germanici Caesaris evicta esse feritate morum Cn(aei) Pisonis patris atq(ue) ob id / morientem Germanicum Caesarem quoius(!) mortis fuisse caussam(!) Cn(aeum) Pisonem patrem ipse / testatus sit non inmerito amicitiam ei renuntiasse qui cum deberet meminisse adiutorem se / [datu]m esse Germanico Caesari qui a principe nostro ex auctoritate huius ordinis ad rerum / [tra]nsmarinarum statum componendum missus esset desiderantium praesentiam aut ipsius / [Ti(beri) C]aesaris Aug(usti) aut filiorum alterius utrius neclecta(!) maiestate{m} domus Aug(ustae) neclecto(!) et/[iam] iure publico quod adle<c=G>t pro co(n)s(ule) et ei pro co(n)s(ule) de quo lex ad populum lata esset ut in quaq(ue) / [---] provinciam venisset m<ai=IN>us ei imperium quam <ei=SIBI> qui eam provinciam proco(n)s(ul)e optine/[ret e]sset dum in omni re m<ai=IN>us imperium Ti(berio) Caear<i=E> Aug usto) quam Germanico Caesari esset ta/[mqua]m ipsius arbitri et potestatis esse deberent ita se in provincia{m} Syria{m} fuerit gesserit / [bellum {c}]{um} Armeniacum et Part(h)icum quantum in ipso fuerit moverit quod neq(ue) ex mandatis / [principi]s nostri epistulisq(ue) frequentibus Germanici Caesaris cum is abesset Vononem qui sus/[pectus reg]i Part(h)orum erat longius removeri voluerit ne profugere ex custodia posset id qu / [fecit e]t conloqui quosdam ex numero Armeniorum malos et audaces cum Vonone passus / [sit ut pe]r eosdem tumultus in Armenia{m} excitaretur ac Vonone vel ociso vel <ex=IN>pulso rege Ar/[meni]ae quem Germanicus Caesar ex voluntate patris sui senatus<q(ue)> regem ei genti dedisset occu/[par]et eaq(ue) magnis muneribus Vononis corrupt<u=I>s fecerit bellum etiam civile excitare cona/[tus s]it iam pridem numin<e=I> divi Aug(usti) virtutibusq(ue) Ti(beri) Caesaris Aug(usti) omnibus civi<li=BV>s belli{s} sepu/[ltis ma]lis repetendo provinciam post mortem

"Caesar' s Visions and Impact on the Roman Empire" / International Conference, University of Flensburg, 30-31 May 2024

The life and career of Gaius Julius Caesar have been topics in research for centuries. His last years were the time in which he was the main driver of changes in the Roman world, changes which turned out to have immense impact on the centuries to come, including paving the way for imperial rule of the Roman Empire. This stage of his life has until today not been explored to its fullest extent. This conference aims at bringing together scholars from a variety of disciplines, archaeology, history, philology and history of religion, in order to move towards a more multifaceted narrative about his dictatorship and the changes that he spurred, the changes that were stalled, the changes that were envisioned and the changes that were carried out – some, in the end, by others. We are looking for papers on focused topics such as Caesar’s impact on colonization of the Mediterranean world. Which colonies did he found, which ones did he plan and what did he leave to his successors complete? What role did the urban Roman population play, and what effects did the settlement of foreign populations have for the locals? Caesar’s foreign policy plans also remained unfinished. Here the Parthian question was constantly in the air after the defeat at Carrhae and remained in the minds of the various politicians after Caesar’s death. Furthermore, the regulation of the necessary defence of Gaul against the constant Germanic invasions across the Rhine remained postponed. In many respects, Caesar’s coinage was exemplary, and it was subsequently imitated in various respects in the triumvirate and in the imperial period, for example, in the minting of the ruler on the obverse. But here it would have to be examined why certain details were no longer found in the later imperial coinage, such as the embossing of priestly symbols. Similarly, Caesar’s inscriptions are to be analysed for their exemplary function for the imperial period. Caesar’s building programme in Rome and beyond was, on the one hand, indebted to the example of influential politicians of past times and, on the other hand – in its unprecedented monumentality, as with his forum – an intensification of previous practice that exerted a clear influence on the period that followed. Other possible aspects that require more intensive study are Caesar’s influence on Roman historiography, the patronage system in Rome, the cursus honorum and the political system in general, as well as Caesar’s religious programme and use of religion in and outside Rome. Through bringing new views into play across disciplines, we hope to bring new fruitful lines of investigation to the forefront of a central figure.

Antiqua arte Cilix (Luc. Phars. 4.449)

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd, 2017

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