The historical trajectory of Fijian power (original) (raw)

Hegemony, anti-hegemony and counter-hegemony : control, resistance and coups in Fiji

2008

The thesis argues that the colonial state in Fiji was founded upon ethno-cultural divisions, which continued in the post-colonial period with the establishment of indigenous chiefly political hegemony. By using a neo-Gramscian analytical framework based on the centrality of the role of ethnicity and culture in the study of colonial and post-colonial societies, the thesis develops three inter-related themes for the analysis of Fiji’s political history: the role of colonial culture, the importance of ethno-cultural divisions, and the changing role of the military in hegemony, anti- hegemony and counter-hegemony. The thesis proposes a dynamic model of de- colonisation that conceptualises Fiji’s post-colonial political history in terms of hegemonic cycles that sees indigenous chiefly hegemony subside into factionalisation of the indigenous polity, inter-ethnic alliances and coercive indigenous assertion. These cycles operate as a product of conflict between hegemonic, anti-hegemonic and...

Nationalism versus constitutionalism in Fiji*

Nations and Nationalism, 2004

Since Fiji became an independent state in 1970 it has experienced three coups against elected governments. On each occasion, intervention has been justified on the grounds that the rights and interests of indigenous Fijians have been under threat from a government controlled by Indo-Fijians, the country's second largest ethnic group. This is despite the fact that the constitutions under which these governments were elected contained extensive provisions for the protection of indigenous rights and interests precisely to meet such concerns. Since the coup of May 2000, the 1997 constitution has been resurrected through the legal process and fresh elections held. Although this represented a formal victory for the forces of constitutionalism, the election itself resulted in the return to office of the post-coup interim administration that had been appointed by the military and which had pledged to uphold the primacy of Fijian interests against other claims. The story of nationalism versus constitutionalism in Fiji is one in which all the efforts of institutional designers seem to have been consistently trumped by the successful manipulation of ethnic identity, especially (although not exclusively) by Fijian nationalists. But it also suggests that there is more to the problems of stability in Fiji than the fact of ethnic difference. In addition, the article critically assesses arguments which favour the development of a new form of constitutionalism which dispenses with the liberal 'rule of uniformity' in favour of principles and practices that give explicit recognition to cultural difference. in Durban, South Africa. I am grateful to the British Academy for a grant which enabled me to attend as well as to members of the panel for their helpful insights and comments.

A tale of three constitutions: Ethnicity and politics in Fiji

Icon-international Journal of Constitutional Law, 2007

There have been sharp divisions of opinion throughout Fiji's modern history between those advocating an integrated, nonracial state, based on individual rights, and those in favor of a political order based on ethnic communities. Integration and consociation, perhaps, are not apt terms to categorize this division, but, certainly, they have some resonance. Many features associated with consociation have been present in the colonial and the postcolonial constitutions, such as separate communal representation, group rights, asymmetrical autonomy, power sharing, separate educational systems, and entrenchment of rights to culture and land. Norms regarding indigenous peoples' rights have been invoked, as well, adding an extra twist to the integration-consociation polarity. But there have also been strong tendencies toward political integration and broad-based, nonethnic social justice policies. Fiji's experience shows that this polarity has limited intellectual or policy value. Consociation easily and, in Fiji's case, seamlessly slides into hegemony.

Dual-Power and Direct Democracy in Fiji: An Analysis of the iTaukei Administration

2019

This paper examines the origins, history and social impact of the iTaukei (E-tow-kay) Administration in Fiji, which is an autonomous system of indigenous dual-power within the government of Fiji. It traces the history, social implications, and current status of the iTaukei Administration, focusing on (1) to what extend this administration has frustrated the advances of liberalism in the form of both nation-state and capitalism, and (2) if there is an alternative to the dichotomy of cultural, political, and economic domination of chiefly elites versus that of the global neoliberal hegemony. In this analysis, the origins of developmental discourse is examined, looking at the colonial government and then chiefly and political elites as creators and producers of this discourse. Using Social Ecology as a methodology, this paper peels apart the manifold of conflict that surrounds this administration, consisting of interpenetrating ethnic, class, economic, and hierarchical conflict. The administration was designed to impede capitalist expansion in Fiji, yet as time went on the colonial government desired further profit, leading to the creation of development discourse directed at increasing 'individualism' amongst the iTaukei people. In parallel to this there has been a continuous call for the drawdown of dualpower encapsulated in the iTaukei Administration. The tension between creators of this discourse-British colonialists, iTaukei chiefly and political elite,-and the iTaukei people is laid out through a history of the iTaukei Administration. Through this examination, the importance of non-state directly democratic institutions, such as the localized aspect of the iTaukei Administration, create and inherent weakness in the State, and allow for the possibility of cultural autonomy that can be inclusive, as opposed to parochial. It also reveals the paramount importance of land in struggles to disrupt Capital, and the importance of preserving or creating communal land control.

Historical Account of Democratisation and Constitutional Changes in Fiji

Kathmandu School of Law Review

Fiji a country of 300 islands, having multi-ethnic communities, has gone through a number of constitutional changes from Colonial to post independence time. This paper vividly explores the constitutional history of the Fiji along with a critical review on emerging issue of the ‘Draft constitution’ listing the key human rights violation that occurred during the three Coup de Tats and comparing ‘consociational’ to ‘hegemonic’ constitutions.

STIFLING OPPOSITION: AN ANALYSIS OF THE APPROACH OF THE FIJI GOVERNMENT AFTER THE 2006 COUP

A day after the military takeover of the Fiji government on 5 December 2006, Commodore Bainimarama proclaimed a nationwide state of emergency that gave wide-ranging powers to the military to enforce the new regime’s agenda. These repressive powers were entrenched in the Public Emergency Regulations (PER) imposed after the 10 April 2009 abrogation of the 1997 Constitution. Early promises of elections by 2009 were not kept; instead, successive decrees were promulgated to restrict human rights, suppress freedom of expression and clip the wings of the judiciary and indigenous Fijian institutions. They were aimed at stifling the capacity and will of the people to demand a return to democracy, and at entrenching the position of Bainimarama’s unelected government.1 The allocation of key government ministries and departments to military officers, and the winning over of specific indigenous communities by the provision of infrastructure projects have strengthened this position. All of these actions, combined with a strategy of sidelining any political or military leader capable of replacing Bainimarama as PM or military commander, suggest that the post-April 2009 authoritarian military regime has become what Geddes terms a ‘personalist’ regime, (in contrast to military or single-party regimes) even if this was not an original aim of the coup. In personalist regimes ‘access to office and the fruits of office depends much more on the discretion of an individual leader’ (Geddes 1999:121). But, despite the high levels of repression, the fragility of Fiji’s economy poses a threat to the current government, adding to the threat imposed by those few still voicing opposition.