Estudio mitográfico de la "Tebaida" de Estacio (original) (raw)

Apuntes para una traducción de la Tebaida de Estacio

Clasica Boliviana, 13, 2024

In this paper it is shown with a few examples that, despite the recent proliferation of editions and translations of Statius’ Thebaid, there remain passages which continue to be difficult to interpret as to their meaning, or debatable as to their text.

Notas sobre la cronología de la Tebaida Estaciana

Florentia Iliberritana Revista De Estudios De Antiguedad Clasica, 1996

Las únicas referencias a cronología que hallamos en la Tebaida de Estacio se encuentran en el proemio, concretamente, en la loa al emperador. La última fecha mencionada en el texto corresponde al triunfo de Domiciano sobre germanos y dacios, esto es, al 89 d. C. Tenemos, entonces, que el libro I, forzosamente compuesto en una fecha próxima al 80, contiene datos de cronología de nueve años después. La explicación más plausible es que, si no el conjunto del proemio, al menos, la parte correspondiente a la loa al emperador ha sido interpolada con posterioridad a la fecha de composición del libro, posiblemente con motivo de la participación de Estacio en el agon capitolino del 90, y no, como muchos autores defienden, del 94. Los datos cronológicos de Jos pasajes de las Si/vae que hemos podido cotejar no contradicen la tesis que defendemos. Abstrae/ The only chronological references that we find in the Statius' Thebais appear in the proem, particularly, in the loa to the emperor. The last date mentioned in the text corresponds to Dornitianus' triumph over germanics and daccos, that is, to the year 89 a.D. We fmd, then, that Boo k I, necessaril y composed circa 80, contains chronological data belonging to nine years la ter. The most likely interpretation is that, if not the whole of the proem, al least that part corresponding to the loa to the emperor has been interpolated after the date of composition, probably, on the occasion ofStatius'participation in the agon capitolinus in the year 90 and not in the year 94, like most of the critics believe. The chronological data from the extracts of the Silvae that we ha ve been able to use do not counterevince our thesis. Palabras claves: Estacio. Tebaida. Cronología. Y a en una primera lectura de los versos con los que Estacio comienza su obra épica de tema tebano, una cosa llama la atención: la complejidad con la que el limes

Estacio, Tebaida I 214-218: una oculta alusión al cíclope Pyracmon

Emerita, 2014

los días 21 y 22 de junio del 2013. Este trabajo se ha realizado dentro de la actividad del grupo de Investigación HUM-261 «Instituto de Estudios Clásicos Nicolaus Heinsius. Edición y comentario», del proyecto consolidado FFI2008-01843 «OVIDIANA: edición crítica y comentario textual de las Metamorfosis de Ovidio» del MCI, y del proyecto de excelencia HUM-4534 «Edición crítica de las Metamorfosis y Opera minora de Ovidio» de la CICEJA, http://www.uhu.es/proyectovidio/esp/. Quiero dejar constancia de mi agradecimiento al Prof. Antonio Ramírez de Verger, al Prof. Luis Rivero García y al Prof. Juan Antonio Estévez Sola por sus puntualizaciones a no pocos lugares de este trabajo, así como a la Lda. Ángela Suárez del Río por su crítica lectura y al Dr. Samuel Díez Reboso por sus comentarios al mismo. No puedo olvidar las fructíferas anotaciones de los revisores anónimos de este artículo, que lo han hecho mejorar en gran medida. También debo agradecer el sagaz comentario del prof. Bruce J. Gibson, de la Universidad de Liverpool, tras mi exposición en el mencionado congreso, comentario que el lector podrá leer más adelante en este trabajo. Ponemos de relieve la técnica poética del juego de palabras etimológico con los nombres propios en Estacio y defendemos que en Theb. I 218 el poeta alude al cíclope Pyracmon mediante la expresión incudibus ignes.

La Tebaida homérica como fuente de Ilíada y Odisea

1995

This work aims to review our present scientific knowledge of the Cyclic Thebais, a Greek epic poem of the archaic Age, ascribed in the sources to Homer. The first part of the investigation (Introduction) defines the objectives, considers some previous methodological questions, and traces the structure of the work. This structure has two consecutive steps: the reconstruction of the Thebais, and the confrontation of the poem with Iliad and Odyssey, the works that the tradition has considered Homer's canonical writings. Chapter II (The evidence of Thebais: materials and testimonia ) displays an edition of the Thebais fragments; seeks to determine the contents of the poem by opposing them to those of the other writings in the Theban epic cycle (Epigonoi, Expedition of Amphiaraos ); and discusses the authorship and probable date of the poem, two typical questions of traditional philology. Chapter III (The evidence of Thebais: reconstruction of the poem ) examines the very few remnants of the poem which have been preserved through time until our days. These fragments are taken as starting point to recreate the form that the myth of Oedipus and his sons could have had in Thebais. This section also considers, as far as it is achievable, the possible structure of the epos. Chapter IV (The artistic evidence in Thebais' theme ) integrates in the analysis of Thebais the archaic iconographical evidence, which reproduces in a plastic form the myth verbally developed by our epopee. The main aim of this investigation, the comparison between Thebais and Iliad-Odyssey , is properly unfolded in Chapter V (Thebais' thematic in Iliad and Odyssey ). We consider here the references to the Theban saga included in the two canonical poems. We also consider those cases in which it is feasible to conjecture that the Iliad reelaborates Theban narrative contents (It is harder to make this consideration with reference to the Odyssey , since the surviving evidence is very limited). Chapter VI (Synthesis ) presents three fundamental conclusions: 1) The Cyclic Thebais can rightly be considered an homeric work, since the expression "Homer" must have been originally not a personal name, but a generic appelation that became in time a quality seal for epic works. 2)The Iliad (and with less certitude the Odyssey ) presupposes of its audience knowledge of the Thebais, poem from which the canonical work seems to borrow some narrative motives. 3)The Thebais must have been composed orally in the archaic Age, before the Iliad. Thebais' text must have been transmited orally during an uncertain period of time, without experimenting macro-structural changes. There are enough arguments to suppose that Thebais was written down during the first years of VI B.C.. It must have occured in the Peloponnesos, and in the delphic orbit of influence. Some reasons also suggest that there is a direct relation between the Thebais' setting in writing and the foundation of Nemea Games, in 573 b.C. This investigation is closed by two appendixes: the first, on literary sources about Thebais' thematic, and an analogous second one, containing iconographical sources of the archaic age.

Júpiter, emperador romano: La lectura política de la "Tebaida" de Estacio

Minerva Revista De Filologia Clasica, 2000

The American critical sector, facing off against the European school, assures us that in his Thebaid Statius offers a pessimistic and negative view of the reign of the Flavians, being William J. Dominik the leading supporter of this kind of political reading. In agreement with the anthropological theory that the poet may refiect a socio-political reality using the myth, the Anglo-american critical sector affirrn that Statius delivers a clear message under the fictional guise of myth for those willing to listen and that Vespasian and his children find parallels not only among the human characters of the Thebaid, but also in the divine figures. Despite the fact that there are weighty arguments against the existence in the Thebaid of an anti-Domitian political reading, I do not believe that we have sufficient data to be able to completely deny Dominik's conviction that Statius mythically reflects a disastrous present. In the present paper I have tried to support his thesis, since the study of Statian theology bases it*.

La" Tebaida Berciana" en tiempos de San Fructuoso (siglo VII)

Argutorio, 2004

Al estudiar la vida de Fructuoso (600/ 610-665/675) 2 nos damos cuenta de que nos encontramos ante una de las figuras más emblemáticas del monacato hispano del siglo VII, uno de los principales promotores de fundaciones cenobíticas; en definitiva ante una de las personalidades más carismáticas e influyentes de la Iglesia Hispana la séptima centuria que conocemos gracias a la Sancti Fructuosi Bracarensis Episcopi Vita 3 , un texto hagiográfico compuesto en los alrededores de Braga en el último cuarto del siglo VII y dada a conocer por el monachus Valerio (618/630-695/ 702) 4 ; una obra en la que se hace referencia a una "segunda oleada monástica" en el Noroeste de Hispania en torno a su persona y al reducto geográfico de El Bierzo 5 y en la que se subrayan las virtudes ascéticas propias de un monasticismo en expansión: caridad, castidad, silencio, austeridad y pobreza 6 .