The use of 'race' as a variable in biomedical research - eScholarship (original) (raw)

The use of 'race' as a variable in biomedical research is facilitated by embedding ordinary concepts of race in particular scientific domains. The dissertation articulates a process for how this can happen. The process has two parts: 1. Finding and 2. Founding a concept in a scientific context. The results of this process are called "found science" by analogy to found art. Chapter 1 TOOLS draws distinctions between different race concepts following those of Michael Hardimon and Sally Haslanger. These distinctions are used to analyze a selection of the critical discourse on the use of race variables in biomedicine. Chapter 2 SYMPTOMS asks a 'dummy' question: "Should race be used to approximate medically interesting human genetic variation?" Answers to this question offered by Michael Root, Abdallah Daar and Peter Singer and Ian Hacking are analyzed. The analysis demonstrates that a. understandings of "race" vary, b. responses to normative questions vary in relation to these understandings and c. there is a pattern regarding what type of race concept is used in what context to argue for what normative claims. This suggests an underlying process at work. How can context-specific normative demands be met by one and the same race concept? They cannot. xvi Rather there is a process whereby an ordinary concept-even one as tainted as 'race'-may come to fit a context of science. This process is defined by analogy to how common objects get to be art in Chapter 3 DIAGNOSIS. The case of "race"-usage in biomedical genetics is then analyzed as a case of "found science". I apply the frame in two genetics studies (Rosenberg et al 2002 and Tang et al 2005) to show that 'race' as used in the context of these studies is a founded concept: it is an ordinary race concept founded in a genetics context and found to behave as a concept of 'genetic ancestry' would. Appendices to the dissertation include A1 Background genetics knowledge, A2 Analysis of discussion articles in the biomedical literature, A3 OMB race/ethnicity categories as founded concepts in the context of demography and A4 a RECIPE for Found Science. 12 An account of all four of Hardimon's notions is in "On the Ontology of Race", Hardimon (ms1), though Hardimon (2003) focuses on "The Ordinary Concept of Race" and Hardimon (ms2) on "The Idea of a Scientific Concept of Race". The distinction between a concept and conceptions of the concept is discussed in Hardimon (2003) following Tyler Burge and others. The same concept can be multiply articulated and these different articulations are referred to as particular conceptions of the concept. Here Hardimon proposed different concepts of race. Others may disagree as to his particular articulation of say, the ordinary, racialist, biological concepts and so would propose different conceptions for these concepts.

‘Race’ as a Social Construction in Genetics

Berghahn Books, 2012

T here is an incongruity at the heart of postgenomic biomedical science. The sequencing of the human genome promised the elimination of racial and ethnic categories from biomedical science (Schwartz 2001). However, despite this, we have witnessed a resurgent interest in 'race', including challenges to the longstanding orthodoxy (following Lewontin 1972) that classifications of human populations by 'race' are not supported by genetic data (Andreasen 2000; Risch et al. 2002; Rosenberg et al. 2002; Edwards 2003). While some geneticists have consigned the concept of 'race' to the scrapheap, others appear to be reviving it. This work is occurring within a broader social and scientific landscape, one in which differences between human populations are invested (or reinvested) with significance. This attention to groups, their differences and similarities and their boundaries feeds off of, and contributes to, our ideas about identities and belonging. It has the potential to create, reinforce and/or aggravate social and ethical issues surrounding, for example, matters of selfidentification, group representation, equality, stigmatization, discrimination and resource distribution. The particular discussions about 'race' in genetics which we consider in this chapter will be shown to reinvigorate debates about what 'race' really is and, by extension, claims about the status of collective or individual identities that draw upon (and reproduce) ideas relating to racial division. A major stimulus for this kind of work is the potential development of 'targeted' diagnostic and therapeutic interventions. Such 'targeting' is predicated on the search for significant biological differences within and between 'populations', which has led to the creation of large-scale scientific projects that map genetic variation. An often-cited example is the International Human Haplotype Map (HapMap) project, which aims to improve health by charting variations in DNA sequences between population groups labelled as 'Yoruba', 'Han Chinese', 'Japanese' and 'Americans of northern and western European descent' (International HapMap Consortium 2003). It should be noted, however, that beyond such high-profile examples, genetics "Identity Politics and the New Genetics," edited by Katharina Schramm, David Skinner, and David Rottenburg is available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. This edition is supported by Knowledge Unlatched. OA ISBN: 978-1-78920-471-1. 'Race' as a Social Construction in Genetics 31 This open access edition has been made available under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license, thanks to the support of Knowledge Unlatched.

Race: Deflate or Pop? STUDIES IN HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY OF BIOLOGICAL AND BIOMEDICAL SCIENCES (2016) 57:60–68

Neven Sesardic has recently defended his arguments in favour of racial naturalism—the view that race is a valid biological category—in response to my criticism of his work. While Sesardic claims that a strong version of racial naturalism can survive critique, he has in fact weakened his position considerably. He concedes that conventional racial taxonomy is arbitrary and he no longer identifies 'races' as human subspecies. Sesardic now relies almost entirely on Theodosius Dobzhansky's notion of race-as-population. This weak approach to 'race'—according to which all genetic difference between populations is 'racial' and 'the races' are simply the populations we choose to call races—survived its early critiques. As it is being mobilised to support racial naturalism once more, we need to continue the debate about whether we should weaken the concept of race to mean 'population', or abandon it as a failed biological category. I argue that Sesardic's case for racial naturalism is only supported by his continued mischaracterisation of anti-realism about biological race and his appeal to Dobzhansky's authority. Rather than deflating the meaning of 'race', it should be eliminated from our biological ontology.

Introduction: Genomics and philosophy of race

Studies in history and philosophy of biological and biomedical sciences, 2015

Philosophy of race has become a multi-faceted subfield of philosophy, drawing on philosophy of biology, metaphysics, philosophy of language, ethics, and political philosophy. Race cuts across disciplinary lines within philosophy. Moreover, disciplines outside philosophydincluding population genetics, anthropology, sociology, and educationdhave much to contribute to discourse about race. A persistent danger of interdisciplinary conversation is that of talking past each other. For instance, scholars in different disciplines have distinct race concepts and use local intellectual machinery to address questions about race. One simple way to address these issues is to have the relevant parties meet each other frequently and repeatedly. But there are some barriers to this strategy. It requires openness, patience, and charity from the participants, and physical proximity is an important consideration.

Is race still socially constructed? The recent controversy over race and medical genetics

2008

Abstract Current controversies in the field of genetics are provoking a reassessment of claims that race is socially constructed. Drawing upon Bruno Latour's model of how to analyse scientific controversy, this article argues that race is 'gaining in reality'in such a way that renders claims about its social construction tenuous and uncertain. Such claims can be seen as failing in two key regards.

Biological and Social Definitions of Race: Implications for Modern Biomedical Research

Misconceptions concerning the concordance of biological and social definitions of race are ongoing in American society. This problem extends beyond that of the lay public into the professional arena, especially that of biomedical research. This continues, in part, because of the lack of training of many biomedical practitioners in evolutionary thinking. This essay reviews the biological and social definitions of race, examining how understanding the evolutionary mechanisms of disease is crucial to addressing ongoing health disparities. Finally it concludes by laying bear the fallacies of “race-specific” medicine.

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When is ‘race’ a race? 1946–2003

Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 2008