Zašto Modrić i Real prije nego Real i Modrić? O redoslijedu vlastitih imena u koordiniranim konstrukcijama (original) (raw)
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Why Modrić and Real rather than Real and Modrić? On the order of proper names under coordination 1
The order of the constituents within a coordinated NP construction is in theory open, i.e. either constituent can occupy either the initial or the final position. When it comes to specific realizations of the coordinate constructional template, the choice of the initial constituent need not be random at all. It is well-known that in some phraseological units, i.e. in the so-called irreversible binomials, their order is as a rule quite fixed (e.g. duša i tijelo ‘body and soul,’ kruh i sol ‘bread and salt,’ život i smrt ‘life and death,’ iće i piće ‘drinks and food,’ muž i žena ‘husband and wife’) and seems to be dictated by a number of cognitive factors, among which iconic principles play an important role. Apart from such conventionalized phraseological pairs, the relative order of constituents seems to be guided by the speaker’s communicative intentions, and therefore in principle be quite flexible. However, it appears that in cases of coordination of proper nouns denoting parts and wholes there is a clear preference for the construction in which the part precedes the whole (Osijek i Slavonija rather than Slavonija i Osijek, Modrić i Real rather than Real i Modrić, etc.). The differences between their distributions on the one hand, and the distributions found with comparable inanimate nouns and animate common nouns in coordination on the other, are explained in terms of the reference point construction (Langacker 1993). The proper noun denoting a person functions as a cognitive reference point facilitating the resolution of indeterminacy due to the fact that the second proper noun in coordination can have more than one metonymically related sense. Such coordinated constructions are shown to be functionally similar to associative plurals as they are also a means of referring to heterogeneous collectives that have a prominent, focal member.
Why Modrić and Real rather than Real and Modrić
2016
The order of the constituents within a coordinated NP construction is in theory open, i.e. either constituent can occupy either the initial or the final position. When it comes to specific realizations of the coordinate constructional template, the choice of the initial constituent need not be random at all. It is wellknown that in some phraseological units, i.e. in the so-called irreversible binomials, their order is as a rule quite fixed (e.g. duša i tijelo ‘body and soul,’ kruh i sol ‘bread and salt,’ život i smrt ‘life and death,’ iće i piće ‘drinks and food,’ muž i žena ‘husband and wife’) and seems to be dictated by a number of cognitive factors, among which iconic principles play an important role. Apart from such conventionalized phraseological pairs, the relative order of constituents seems to be guided by the speaker’s communicative intentions, and therefore in principle be quite flexible. However, it appears that in cases of coordination of proper nouns denoting parts and...
Metonymy in Czech Word Formation in Terms of Cognitive Linguistics
ATHENS JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY, 2019
Substitutional metonymy is generally considered as one of the basic conceptual processes that have the power to indirectly name the reality. The principle of the metonymy is a shift of meaning based on certain internal connections (for metonymy Kövecsses-Radden 1998; Koch, 1999; Peirsman-Geeraerts, 2006; Langacker, 2009). According to the cognitively oriented linguist Laura A. Janda, similar metonymic relationships can be identified in Czech wordformational processes (see Janda, 2010). The base of the study is an idea that between the vehicle and the target, there is a relationship which is similar to the substitutional metonymy. The aim is to apply that perspective on the specific language material. The database of linguistic material was excerpted from two fairy-tales by Karel Čapek (Čapek, 1972). The research has focused on nouns. The analyzed material consists of 193 nouns formed by suffixation, desuffixation, conversion (for conversion in Czech see Bednaříková 2009), as well as the combined processes. The crucial points are the analysis of metonymic relationships and the number of their occurrences in the database of nouns. The most often metonymic patterns for vehicle and target are also presented, as well as the most frequent suffixes. The analysis clearly indicates that they are verbs that have the strongest position in the word formation of nouns. Regarding the metonymic pattern, the most frequent target within the database are the abstraction, entity and agent. In the end of the study there is a conclusion summarizing the main findings.
Animacy and Agreement with Conjoined Nouns in Bulgarian (2011)
This paper argues for the implementation of phase theory in morphology. On the basis of evidence from two types of structure, i.e. nominal root compounds and incorporated nominal gerunds (INGs), it is shown that phase theory interacts with linearization and antisymmetry in a principled way; thus allowing for a uniform account of syntactic word-formation processes below the word-level and well-known and thoroughly discussed syntactic operations in phrasal syntax. Hence, the position taken in this paper follows the trend set in the pioneering work of 4 While the form in (3a) is non-compositional, the forms in (3b) -(3d) -other than the lexicalized and possibly preferred interpretationall allow for a compositional interpretation in (3b) --(3d). In other words, the forms in (3b) -(3d) show the properties of their English counterparts and the form in (3a) is most likely the result of a lexical process of word formation. 5 Additionally, Keyser & Roeper (1992) argue that the ACP can be filled with more than one element of the same category type, as has been illustrated above for the nominal root compounds already, but it is not possible to insert several elements of different category types into that position:
Morpho-semantic properties of Serbian nouns: Animacy and gender pairs
Psihologija
In this study we investigated whether and how the cognitive system uses morphological markedness of animacy and gender pairs. In the Serbian language masculine nouns are marked for animacy (i.e., genitive-accusative syncretism), while for feminine nouns the animacy distinction is purely semantic. Thus, in Experiment 1 we used this natural, linguistic differentiation to test whether morphological markedness of animacy influences lexical processing. In the same experiment, we tested whether the cognitive system is sensitive to the fact that some animate nouns have a sibling in the other gender (e.g., dečak /"boy"/devojčica /"girl"/), while others do not have it (e.g., vojnik /"soldier"/ or žirafa /"giraffe"/). We labeled this indicator sibling presence. The analysis did not confirm the effect of animacy, neither between nor within genders. However, animate nouns with a sibling were processed faster than those without a sibling. Since the majority of sibling nouns are morphologically related (like konobar /"waiter"/ -konobarica /"waitress"/), while the rest are not (e.g., petao /"rooster"/ -kokoška /"hen"/), in Experiment 2 we tested whether morphological relatedness contributed to the effect of sibling presence. Results showed that this is not the case: morphologically related and unrelated masculine-feminine pairs of nouns (siblings) were processed equally fast. Furthermore, an interaction between the target's frequency and the frequency of its sibling was observed: nouns with a more frequent sibling benefited more from their own frequency than those with a less frequent sibling. We argue that sibling support is realized through semantic, not morphological relations. Taken together, our findings suggest that morphological markedness is not used in lexical processing, which is in line with an amorphous approach to lexical processing.
In the article, animacy of nouns like čempion 'champion', učastnik 'participant', pretendent 'pretender', konkurent 'concurrent', finalist 'participant of the final', and so on in sportive contexts are considered. In the contexts under analysis, this class of nouns refer to sport teams (below I call them 'konkurent-like nouns'). The peculiarity of the situation is that the nouns like komanda 'team' and klub 'team', as well as names of teams, are grammatically inanimate in Russian, while words under analysis, such as konkurent, are animate. I consider their use in contexts that typically include inanimate nouns of collectives, such as 'to move to another team'. It turns out that in the base construction with a konkurent-noun as a prepositional object, konkurent-like words are impossible. However, they become more acceptable if included into the construction with odin iz 'one of (concurrents, leaders, champions, and so on)' or follow the mention of the name of the team. I prove that both pragmatic and syntactic factors are relevant here. Pragmatically, in constructions with 'one of' or name of team, the konkurent-like noun does not follow the verb directly, and the speaker can 'forget' that the context is inappropriate for animate nouns. Syntactically, it seems that we deal with a sort of agreement between the name of the club and konkurent-like nouns.
1 The Paradigmatics and Declension of Nouns
2014
The main focus in this noun description is the paradigm of the noun as well as its case and gender. These issues have been selected first and foremost because the paradigm of the declinable parts of speech of the Latvian language has been insufficiently revealed in theoretical overviews that refer in particular to the structure of parts of speech and the range of the means used to express the grammatical meaning in their paradigms. The noun paradigm is directly connected with the number of cases and the interpretation of their functions in Latvian. Secondly, these issues also have been selected because the Latvian system of noun cases is markedly polyfunctional which means that, alongside the syncretism of endings, noun cases also display curious tendencies of syntactical use and semantic structure that accordingly deserves a more detailed analysis. Thirdly, the use of noun genders is also polyfunctional in Latvian, so they can display various asymmetric uses of noun form and content. In order to make the noun paradigm as well as the case and gender function analysis more explicit, the paradigm of all six declensions is presented in Section 1.2.
Common names and proper nouns: Morphosyntactic evidence of a complete nominal paradigm
Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America, 2021
The terms "common noun" and "proper name" encode two dichotomies that are often conflated. This paper explores the possibility of the other combinations—"common name" and "proper noun"—and concludes that both exist on the basis of their morphosyntactic behavior. In support of common names, inflectional regularization is determined to result from a "name" layer in the structure, meaning that common nouns that regularize are, in fact, common names ("computer mouses", "tailor’s gooses"). In support of proper nouns, there are bare singular count nouns in English that receive definite interpretations and seem to be licensed as arguments by the same null determiner as proper names ("I left town", "she works at home"). Not only does a four-way distinction between nouns, names, proper nouns, and proper names achieve greater empirical coverage, but it also captures the independent morphosyntactic effects of [PROPER] and [NAME] as features on D and N, respectively.
On Flexible and Rigid Nouns (2008)
Rijkhoff, Jan. 2008. On flexible and rigid nouns. Studies in Language 32-3, 727-752., 2008
This article argues that in addition to the flexible lexical categories in Hengeveld’s classification of parts-of-speech systems (Contentive, Non-Verb, Modifier), there are also flexible word classes within the rigid lexical category Noun (Set Noun, Sort Noun, General Noun). Members of flexible word classes are characterized by their vague semantics, which in the case of nouns means that values for the semantic features Shape and Homogeneity are either left undetermined or they are specified in such a way that they do not quite match the properties of the kind of entity denoted by the flexible item in the external world. I will then argue that flexible word classes constitute a proper category (i.e. they are not the result of a merger of some rigid word classes) in that members of flexible word categories display the same properties regarding category membership as members of rigid word classes. Finally this article wants to claim that the distinction between rigid and flexible noun categories (a) adds a new dimension to current classifications of parts-of-speech systems, (b) correlates with certain grammatical phenomena (e.g. so called number discord), and (c) helps to explain the parts-of-speech hierarchy.
On flexible and rigid nouns (2010)
This article argues that in addition to the flexible lexical categories in Hengeveld’s classification of parts-of-speech systems (Contentive, Non-Verb, Modifier), there are also flexible word classes within the rigid lexical category Noun (Set Noun, Sort Noun, General Noun). Members of flexible word classes are characterized by their vague semantics, which in the case of nouns means that values for the semantic features Shape and Homogeneity are either left undetermined or they are specified in such a way that they do not quite match the properties of the kind of entity denoted by the flexible item in the external world. I will then argue that flexible word classes constitute a proper category (i.e. they are not the result of a merger of some rigid word classes) in that members of flexible word categories display the same properties regarding category membership as members of rigid word classes. Finally this article wants to claim that the distinction between rigid and flexible noun categories (a) adds a new dimension to current classifications of parts-of-speech systems, (b) correlates with certain grammatical phenomena (e.g. so called number discord), and (c) helps to explain the parts-of-speech hierarchy.