Struggle of senses for the right to decide: the treatment of abortion in the press of Mendoza, Argentina (original) (raw)
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2018
El articulo presenta una investigacion sobre los sentidos construidos por la prensa de Mendoza, Argentina, sobre aborto. El tema, que conecta con el derecho a decidir sobre el propio cuerpo, se relaciona con la salud publica, la justicia social y los derechos humanos. La metodologia consistio en combinar un observatorio de medios con herramientas del analisis del discurso. Los principales hallazgos indican que en los medios hegemonicos ha predominado una posicion restrictiva sobre aborto, sostenida con argumentos religiosos, juridicos y filosoficos. Mientras que en el medio contrahegemonico observado los sentidos construidos favorecieron la lucha por los derechos humanos de las mujeres.
SSRN Social Science Research Network, Rochester, NY; Elsevier, Amsterdam, ID N° 3157908, Apr 6, 2018
Controversies revolve around abortion policy and abortion politics worldwide. In Argentina, since 1921, according to article 86 of the Penal Code, abortion is punishable―both for the mother and for the procedure´s physician―except in two circumstances, namely: a) when “the life and/or health” of the mother is “in danger”, and b) in case of violation (Fetal defects incompatible with extra-uterine life are not legally accepted, for now, as a cause of medically-induced abortion). Therefore, voluntary or on-demand terminations of pregnancies (“elective abortions”) are illegal (though practiced underground), up until now. On March 13, 2012, the Supreme Court clarified the interpretation of the second circumstance because its meaning, in accord with its dim drafting, was difficult to discern. Thus, the Court established, by way of a ruling, that all women with a pregnancy due to forced sex―regardless of age―have the right to receive a non-punishable pharmacological or surgical termination of pregnancy so long as they wish to, without the need of a judge´s written permission. The Court, also, urged the 23 provincial governments and the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires to implement non-punishable abortion protocols in order to protect abortion seekers and doctors from criminal charges against them. However, only in 8 jurisdictions out of 24, the protocols, in line with the Court´s 2012 ruling, are in place. Still, Argentine´s 1994 Constitution protects the right-to-life from conception. This is the reason why in some provinces, such as Córdoba, the 2012 provincial protocol was blocked through an appeals court´s ruling and is under consideration by the provincial Supreme Tribunal, since then. On March 1, 2018, for the first time in history, President Macri made public, during his annual Opening Speech, his decision to allow the abortion debate in Congress, openly, this year. Al least, eight different bills are set to be discussed in the 257-seat Lower Chamber: the first, a “pro-choice” bill, was signed by 72 representatives (“diputados”) from different parties, including a small group belonging to Cambiemos, the governing three-party coalition. This bill intends to incorporate the voluntary termination of pregnancy from age 13 onwards, until 14 weeks of gestational age. Another bill was signed, instead, by 15 representatives―most of whom are from the President´s party―that expresses a pro-life approach, with the aim to save the two subjects of gestation, i.e., the pregnant mother and the unborn (the nasciturus). The minimal number of present representatives to get quorum is 129. This essay explores the argumentation strategies and discursive formations of both sides, e.g., the concept of body sovereignty, the juridical status of the unborn, the modes of subjection, the plurality of ways of being, the “reproductive rights” (and responsibilities) and the ethical and bio-political conflicts that are at play between the mother´s supposed “right” to put an end to her pregnancy (killing the unborn) and the unborn´s constitutional right to life. This long-awaited debate is a challenge and a crucial opportunity to put to the test the quality of democracy in the Republic and the ability of leaders to manage this complex political process, impelled by the moral as well as the public health intricate facets of this so dividing, and fascinating controversy. This text draws on: 1) Foucault´s ouvre, especially on his fourth book The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969) to understand and to assess the régime énonciatif (i.e., the set of objects of discourse) of the “pro-choice” and pro-life subjects of enunciation; 2) Arendt´s ontological concepts crystallized in her first book The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) and her second book The Human Condition (1958), and, above all, her paramount concept of the undesiderable, voiceless, “superfluous” human beings: the left-overs, and 3) Hume´s moral theory, which contends that love must transcend self-love, and human interest must transcend self-interest.
2013
El artículo es producto de nuestra experiencia en Lesbianas y Feministas por la Descriminalización del Aborto entre los años 2009 y 2012, que nos permitió construir un discurso y una perspectiva nueva para pensar el derecho al aborto. El contacto directo y masivo con las mujeres que abortan cada minuto en estas latitudes y la experiencia lesbiana y trans de muchxs de nosotrxs fueron dos elementos neurálgicos para forjar este discurso desmedicalizador, autogestivo y empoderante. El aborto con misoprostol, hecho con la información correcta y con acceso al medicamento emerge como revancha al heteropatriarcado capitalista que disciplina a las mujeres. El objetivo es contextualizar el discurso de LyF, y problematizar los procesos esencializantes de las lógicas de la identidad y de la heterosexualidad que fueron ejes de nuestra militancia.The article is the result of our experience in between 2009 and 2012, which allowed us to build a discourse and a new perspective to think about the rig...
2018
El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar la construcción de una retórica argumental en los discursos de los procesos jurídicos del aborto no punible en Argentina entre 1980 -1995. Se presentan dos casos judiciales (fuero civil) de aborto legal y se examina la asociación en los fallos de la noción de viabilidad del feto con la ilegalidad de la interrupción del embarazo. Para ello exploramos los debates médicos-jurídicos y bioéticos en torno del aborto no punible y el aborto indirecto. A medida que se cierra el siglo XX, el fuero civil se presentó como un campo de batalla eficaz al momento de obstaculizar el acceso al aborto legal.The aim of this research is to analyze the construction of arguments in the discourse involved in the juridical processes of the non- punishable abortion in Argentina between 1980-1995. We outline two judicial cases of legal abortion and we examine the association made by court decision of the notion of "viability of the fetus" with the illega...
Las disputas de sentido sobre el aborto en Argentina durante 2020
InMediaciones de la Comunicación
El objetivo del artículo es comprender y analizar los sentidos que dos fuerzas sociales o arenas competitivas –los medios de comunicación y el movimiento feminista identificado con el color verde– construyeron sobre un mismo tema, la Interrupción Voluntaria del Embarazo (IVE). Para realizar el estudio se combinaron técnicas cuantitativas y cualitativas y se analizaron 323 noticias sobre el debate por el derecho al aborto que publicaron durante diciembre de 2020 los sitios informativos de mayor audiencia de Argentina (La Nación, Clarín e Infobae). El periodo de estudio comprende el mes en que el proyecto de la IVE se aprobó como norma legal. A su vez, el análisis se complementa con siete entrevistas en profundidad a integrantes de diferentes regionales de la Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito. Entre los resultados se observa que únicamente 25% de las noticias analizadas llevó firma de mujeres y que solo en 28,2% de los casos la ley de la IVE fue defini...
2014
El articulo presenta resultados de investigacion orientado a indagar la accion politica desarrollada por Catolicas por el Derecho a Decidir/Argentina (C.D.D/Arg) en el debate por la despenalizacion del aborto en Argentina. A partir del analisis conjunto de 7 entrevistas a miembros del equipo de coordinacion de C.D.D/Arg y la lectura sistematica de documentos oficiales de dicha organizacion, este trabajo describe y analiza el proceso de disidencia religiosa (Vaggione, 2007) mediante la cual esta organizacion construye un discurso catolico alternativo sobre el aborto basado en la incorporacion de diversas referencias simbolicas del catolicismo tales como la autonomia y la libertad de conciencia. En este trabajo se sostiene que dicho discurso funciona como referente de legitimacion para las creencias y posiciones de muchos catolicos que se han alejado de las normativas de la jerarquia catolica sobre la moral sexual asi como tambien de insumo para la discusion politica sobre el aborto e...
2019
This article analyzes thirty-four speeches by Chilean deputies during the 50th session that was celebrated on July 20th, 2017. In that session, the topic was the decriminalization of pregnancy voluntary termination in three causes. The legislators’ interventions are understood as a type of legislative behavior that it is prominent in order to observe ideological positions about woman interests. The deputies` speeches were placed in a horizontal axis through a simple scale that evaluate the content of the interventions. This axis express ideological spectrum and discursive spectrum. The findings indicate that the legislators’ discourses (women and men) are consistent with the ideological position of the party which they are members. The article also proves that Chilean legislators acting according to the ideological platform of the party, but not on their own gender experiences when representing gender interests such as abortionEn este artículo se analizan treinta y cuatro discursos ...
Abstract The purpose of this work is to identify and analyze cultural obstacles present in the care of women in situations of abortion, based on the postulates of José Nun, Alejandro Grimson, Aníbal Faúndes and José Barzelatto. It seeks to determine priorities in public policies that contribute to the reduction of inequalities in health care in Argentina: part of the explanatory model of the social determinants of health. In the first place, the situation of abortion care in the context of the Argentine health system is exposed, as a public health problem crossed by inequalities. Next, we analyze the differences in relation to the uses and meanings of the terms abortion and health as cultural barriers for access to termination of pregnancy under conditions of equality. The work also describes the strategies for its approach from feminist social organizations, and the vision of professionals of recognized regional experience in the subject. Finally, guidelines for public policies in the current political scenario of Argentina are proposed. The latter are aimed at reducing inequalities and addressing the identified cultural obstacles.