Lexical Semantics : lexicon-syntax interface (original) (raw)
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Suffixal clause-linking in Korean on the subordination-coordination continuum
One peculiarity of Korean syntax is the existence of a large set of verbal suffixes to link clauses. In this talk, we compare four of them with respect to some relevant criteria for subordination vs. coordination, such as sentence modality and operator scope, tense, constituent order, referential control, and the development of the dependent verb forms into complex predicates or adpositions. The objective is to show that a. within the same language, different clause linking suffixes have different general syntactic properties, which result from their semantic properties, and in some cases from pragmatic inferences; b. the same linker may behave differently in different contexts, and be interpreted differently by different speakers; c. clauses have subordinate or coordinate properties, but a universal dichotomy between subordinate and coordinate linkage is not applicable; d. instead subordination and coordination denote two partly overlapping stretches on a continuum of syntactic integration; e. syntactic interlacing (of two clauses) is the grammaticalized reflection of cognitive interlacing (of two situations).
어학연구, 1976
Relational Grammar and Korean Syntax*-So-called 'double-subject' and 'double-object' constructions revisited Masayoshi Shibatani In constructing a viable theory of universal grammar, it is becoming increasingly clear that grammatical relations such as subject and direct object must be considered as theoretical primitives and that they play a central role in the formulation of syntactic rules and •constraints_ This position, recently advocated by the proponents of a syntactic theory known as relational grammar, is motivated in part by the facts such as: l) Chomsky's derivative definitions of 'subject-of' and 'object-of' may not be applicable universally,l 2) the universal properties of certain syntactic processes cannot be adequately captured unless alternations in grammatical relations that accompany transformations are properly expres-' sed,2 and 3) a series of universal constraints on syntactic rules can be stated in terms of possible alternations of grammatical relations. 3 Even in a description of syntactic rul es of individ ual languages, the notion of grammatical relations plays an important role in allowing us to capture significant generalizations in a concise format. In Korean syntax the notion of subject, for example, plays an jmportant role in a number of syntactic processes. In Reflexivization it is the subject NP .that functions as a trigger. Thus in (l), the only possible interpretation is that the reflexive formcaki 'self' is coreferential with the subject NP Yanshiki; the sentence does not allow the reading in which caki is coreferential with the direct object ai 'child'. (l) Y,mshiki ka ai hI caki ii pang esa ttreli-at-ta 'Yonshigii hit the childj in self;'s/*self/s room .' * Different versions of this paper were presented at K yungbook National University in Taegu and before the 1976 Annual Meeting of the Language Research Institute. Seoul National Universit y in 'Seoul. I am grateful to Alan Hyun-Oak Kim and Ho-min Sohn for providing me with some of the data included here and discussing the topics covered here with me. This work was supported by a research fellowship of the American Council of Learned Societies. 'Chomsky~s definitions of 'subject-of' as an NP immediately dominated by S. and of 'object-of' as an NP immediately dominated by VP cannot be applied. Shibatani, M. to appear. Grammatical relations and surface cases. Language.
The Factive, IHRC, and Cleft constructions in Korean
Review of Cognitive Linguistics. Published under the auspices of the Spanish Cognitive Linguistics Association, 2023
This article aims to develop a Cognitive Grammar (CG) analysis of three grammatical constructions in Korean, all of which employ the bound noun kes. The data under examination includes the Factive, Internally Headed Relative Clause (IHRC), and Cleft constructions. We propose a uniform treatment of the three types of kes by arguing that it denotes a schematic noun that profiles a thing (noun) and has some role in the process of the adnominal clause. Different interpretations of these constructions arise due to different types of conceptualizations involved in each instance. In so doing, we point out that previous proposals that deal with kes are neither general enough to capture the commonalities observed in all three constructions nor can account for the new observations we present.
University of Victoria, 2019
In this dissertation I provide an account of the distribution of Korean clause-typing markers from the perspective of a formal typological model, the Universal Spine Hypothesis (Wiltschko, 2014, 2017). Although Korean clause-typing markers have both syntactic properties (expressing force/mood, Chomsky 2000, 2001) and pragmatic properties (expressing speech styles, Sohn 1999), my investigation focuses on the morphosyntactic properties of clause-typing markers in single-layered and double-layered CPs. I detail their ability to transmit clause type, their compatibility with TAM elements, and their incompatibility with subordinators and speech act elements. My central claim is that, through an association with the linking spine (i.e., CP in generative grammar), clause-typing markers, including ta and e, construct Korean language-specific categories. Clause-typing markers interact with a syntactic domain encoding the common ground of speech participants, the grounding spine. My dissertation has two major findings. First, the morphophonological realization of C is obligatory in both finite and non-finite clauses. I therefore propose a Clause Complementation Parameter (CCP)—all clauses must have a complementizer, and a C must have a correspondent PF realization. This accounts for the expletive-like dummy complementizers e and ci which can fill the head of the three basic clause types. Second, functional elements selecting clause-typing markers support the existence of syntactic projections above the traditional CP. For instance, iterative ko and hearsay y in reiterated and hearsay utterances, respectively, must be associated with the syntactic domain above CP. I argue that along with polite yo and intonation, they construct Korean language-specific categories through their association with the three universal categorizers k: linking, k: grounding, and k: responding. This is formulated as [RespP [GroundP [LinkingP [AnchoringP …-ssPAST] -taDECL] -yHEARSAY] (-yoPOLITE) -↑]. Investigations of the distributions of periphrastic irrealis clause-typing markers and multifunctional clause-typing markers contribute to our understanding of the multifaceted nature of category C: the periphrastic irrealis markers show that C with T can restrict the person feature on the subject. The interpretations of multifunctional markers in different morphosyntactic contexts show that their properties emerge in two ways: through interaction with local elements in the domain or by virtue of their association with hierarchically distinct domains. Assuming the Universal Spine Hypothesis, I have accounted for the morphosyntactic properties of Korean clause-typing markers by proposing language-specific categories considering the functional layers. This dissertation offers a more complete account of Korean grammar but also will provide an explanation for cross-linguistic differences in encoding of clause-typing—Units of Languages change how C appears.
Double Relativitization of Different Grammatical Functions in Korean
Contrary to the claim that only the subject of a clause can undergo double relativization (DR) in Korean (Han 1992), in this paper, I show that it is possible for all GFs to undergo DR but that not all GFs can undergo DR equally easily. I then address the questions (i) what kind of factors determine the DR possibilities of different GFs and (ii) what their nature is and how they can be explained. I claim that one of the important factors determining them is the GFs of the head nouns of the relative clauses from which DR takes place, to be more precise, the GF relations between the higher and the lower head nouns of double relative constructions (DRCs), and that the reason why this is so can be explained in terms of processing. DRCs, in principle, are ambiguous and based on the observation that the interpretation preferences of DRCs are generally determined in the lower relative clauses, I approach the task of explaining the DR possibilities of different GFs by explaining the interpretation preferences of the lower relative clauses. My claims are that they can be explained in terms of ambiguity resolution and that the two major factors figuring importantly in this are (i) the argument vs. adjunct status of the gap and (ii) the distance between gap and filler.
A Variety of Grammatical Constructions*1 ) -Double-Accusative Constructions in Korean Revisited
Korean Linguistics , 2019
Yeon, Jaehoon. 2019. 11. A Variety of Grammatical Constructions: Double-Accusative Constructions in Korean Revisited. Korean Linguistics 85, 203~241. In Korean, there are constructions in which the accusative particle ul/lul occurs on more than one NP within a single sentence. Among many types of the so-called 'Double Accusative Constructions' (DAC), an External Possession (EP) Type DAC (Payne & Barshi, 1999) is the main concern of this paper. It has been questionable whether DACs are genuine double object constructions. We have argued that DACs can be regarded as structures in which there is only one real object, but two Acc-marked NPs, based on some object diagnostics. We have examined the constraints acting upon Korean EP type DACs while arguing that Korean DACs cannot be fully explained solely based on syntax or semantics without considering some pragmatic and cognitive factors. We have shown that 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' are the two most important factors in determining constraints on felicitous EP type DACs. The notion of 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' is more appropriate than any other factors such as the distinction between alienable and inalienable possession to characterise more accurately the relationship between the possessor and the possessee in Korean EP type DACs. It is also noted that 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' cannot be thematic roles or semantic roles because what counts as 'contiguous' and 'affected' is context-dependent and cognitively/pragmatically interpreted. The degree of acceptability and interpretation of DACs depend on pragmatics and extra-linguistic knowledge.