Pentecostal Theology in the public square: Challenges and guidelines for an interface with sphere political (original) (raw)
Related papers
HORIZONTE, 2021
Considering the challenges posed by populism and religiously motivated political engagement to liberal democracies, the present study sets out to examine, specifically, the role played by Pentecostal actors in the conflictive rearrangement of the democratic game in Brazil and worldwide. The engagement of Pentecostals in Brazil’s 2018 general election represented a milestone in that regard and constitutes, thus, the main focus of the present investigation. Given the novelty and nature of both phenomena in question, viz. Pentecostal political engagement and the crisis of democracy, the analysis is carried out, methodologically, from a descriptive, theoretical vantage point, rather than a normative one. To that purpose, the study builds on Manow’s recent work on the current crisis of democracy so as to shed new light on this issue and engages with scholarly studies of Pentecostal political engagement in Brazil and Nigeria alike, where similar developments may be observed, thereby placi...
Pentecostalism and Citizenship in Brazil: Between Escapism and Dominance
International Journal of Public Theology, 2012
Brazil is, today, the most Catholic, but also the most Pentecostal country in the world. The Pentecostal churches, namely the Assemblies of God, have been particularly successful among the poorest of the poor. There is little discourse on citizenship in Pentecostal churches, and its theological bases still seem to foster escapism; yet, believers regain a sense of dignity and respect for themselves and for others as they discover themselves as bearers of the Holy Spirit. In addition, contrary to the general perception, there are signs of a sense of responsibility for the whole human being, the environment and the common good. However, the relatively recent principle of ‘brother votes for brother’ tends to narrow down internal and external attention in terms of politics to the election of Pentecostal politicians, with all its ambivalences and a danger to seek dominance. This article argues that a third way between escapism and dominance, guided by a public theology, is possible.
Democracy through the spirit: the Universal Church and its interconnections with Brazilian democracy
Horizontes Antropológicos
The connection between Evangelical church actors and contemporary Brazilian federal politics has raised many speculations, especially regarding the association of these churches with neoliberalism and populist governments. In a different manner, this article aims to show how churches from the third wave of Pentecostalism, and the Universal Church in particular, engage in the most recent historical phase of Brazilian democracy that began in the late 1980’s. The grow of Universal Church and the democratic development of Brazil are investigated in parallel here, giving light to the different political connections and arrangements this church has been part of in the last decades. This makes it possible to understand what the alliances between the Universal Church and the country’s presidency actually mean for both the church institution and its common members.
International Journal of Latin American Religions, 2019
This work approaches briefly the relations between politics and religion in the context of the neopentecostal church Mission Life for the Nations, understanding that both are transversal dimensions of human experience. In this way, we can find them imbricated in religious doctrine, such as the Spiritual War, political activism developed in the so called "public sphere", but also on other aspects of human experience that are usually perceived as "private" from a liberal perspective, such as sexuality. Religious discourses about the world and humans destiny function as narratives that, being adopted by the faithful, are enacted in different spheres of action. In this way, religion cannot be conceived as a separated dimension of the social world. Not merely metaphysical or discursive, as it implies action-or inaction-it involves politics.
What is the performance of Evangelical candidates in Brazilian legislative elections? Would Pentecostal candidates be responsible for the political representation of Evangelicals? Do Pentecostal churches have a high degree of electoral success? The Evangelicals influence in Brazilian politics has become increasingly prominent both in the media and in the academia. It is a consequence of the rapid expansion of Pentecostalism in Brazil. Previous literature assumes that Pentecostal candidates would use their congregations as “herd votes”. From a conceptual discussion of the Evangelical candidate and his church linkage, as well as a new database of Evangelical candidates, I present evidence that the share of Evangelical candidates remained stable in the last decade. Pentecostals politicians represent the vast majority of Evangelical politicians in Brazilian legislatures; however, in spite of that, the electoral success of Pentecostal churches is not as strong as it is asserted. Palavras-chave : Evangelicals; Pentecostals; Candidates; Elections.
Protestantismo em Revista, 2013
The Brazilian Census of 2010, besides showing the decline of Catholicism in the country, revealed a large increase of an "original" Protestantism of the United States, primarily the Seventh Day Adventists and Jehovah's Witnesses. The two groups, founded in the nineteenth century - the Jehovah's Witnesses are a dissidence of the Seventh-day Adventism - boast more than 3 million active members - the majority of the middle class - and have particular political characteristics. It highlights, among them, exemption from military conscription and especially little or no political activity. In many of her thousands of handwritten pages, Ellen Gould Harmon White, co-founder of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, advised the members of the Church about the danger of political involvement in the spiritual life. In addition, she advocated the total separation of church and state, highlighting the misdeeds of their union from the Middle Ages to the present day. However, although Brazil is a secular state, the church's influence on society is enormous - both Catholics and Protestants. The intention of this paper is, from texts on conceptual policy of its founders, to analyze the performance of these political groups in Brazil, sensing approaches and breakthroughs in relation to American theology.
Pentecostalization and Politics in Paraguay and Chile
Religions
This article analyzes Pentecostal churches in Paraguay and Chile, tracing how their older ethos of politics as worldly and corrupt is gradually changing and why. It explores changing church–state relations and conceptions of political culture and citizenship among Pentecostal members and leaders, and assesses some mutual influences that Pentecostal and mainstream Protestant churches exert on each other. Chile has the oldest autochthonous Pentecostal churches of Latin America, whereas Pentecostal growth only recently started in Paraguay, providing a contrast in levels of Pentecostalization. The article develops a general overview of modes of (in)direct involvement of Pentecostal leaders and members in national politics by assessing the risks and advantages of five possible positions.
Assessing the Strength of Pentecostal Churches’ Electoral Support: Evidence from Brazil
Since the 1980s, the number of Pentecostal candidates elected to the Brazilian legislatures has grown remarkably. Literature has argued that the phenomenon is related to Pentecostal churches’ support for particular candidates. To date, however, this claim has been based only on ethnographies or studies relying on a few cases of elected candidates. Drawing from a new data set of Evangelical (Protestant) candidates for the Federal Chamber of Deputies and state legislative assemblies, I try to answer the following questions: Do Pentecostal candidates raise fewer campaign resources than other candidates? What is the effect of being a Pentecostal candidate on the vote in Brazilian legislative elections? Is the structure of the church relevant to this effect? Using OLS regression models, I show that being a Pentecostal has a negative, though not significant effect on campaign spending. Additionally, there is a positive statistical relationship between being a Pentecostal and receiving votes, and between having the support of more centralized churches and receiving votes. Qualitative evidence of six Pentecostal politicians who lost their churches’ support at some point between elections, attempted reelection, and performed considerably worse than before reinforces the importance of having the support of a Pentecostal church.