Stalin and Austria: New Evidence on Soviet Policy in a Secondary Theatre of the Cold War, 1938–53/55 (original) (raw)
1999
Austria is located in the heart of Europe. Historically, this was both an advantage and a disadvantage. At times, it was an advantage since Austria could serve as a gate between West and East. At times, it suffered from the political tensions stemming from the important geopolitical position. There has been a tension between a geo-economic orientation towards Western and Eastern Central Europe that has been a constant of her recent history. It seems to us that Austria's geo-economic and geo-political strategies have some interesting features to the Korean public since it was at the border between East and West in the era of the cold war. However, it is necessary to delve deeper into the past in order to understand the postwar policies. During the last days of the Habsburg Empire, Austria was economically clearly looking to the East. It struck the shaky World War I alliance with her Western neighbour, Germany in order to preserve her influence in Eastern Europe. The break-up of the Empire was quite dramatic for Austria. The ruling circles had to adapt economically and politically to the policies of a small state. Economically, Austria tried to maintain a zone of influence in the East. Politically, the ruling circles incessantly discussed the pros and cons of a Danubian Federation with the successor states to the empire and a closer alliance with Germany. Both options were aimed at preserving economic influence in the East European neighbouring states. From 1938 to 1945, Austria was merged with Nazi Germany. This merger was effected forcibly, but German Nazism had a mass following in Austria so that resistance to the merger was minimal. Due to this, Austria regained her sovereignty only in 1955. This was conditional on a declaration of political and military neutrality in the East-West conflict. At times, Austrian governments translated Austria into a political bridge between West and East while seeking greater economic integration with Western Europe, mainly Germany. With the end of the cold war, economic integration was followed by political integration into the European Union. At the same time, new economic possibilities emerged in the East. Austrian companies were quick to (re-)establish themselves in Eastern Europe. Politically, the Austrian government is, however, hesitating between functioning as a gate or a bulwark of the West towards the East. These phases of the Austria's geo-economic and geo-political strategies will be discussed in the article. At the end, we shall discuss the policy options for the future.
Austrian-Bulgarian relations during the cold war
2024
This collection of essays is based on a research project funded by the Austria’s Agency for Education and Internationalization (OeAD) and the Bulgarian National Science Fund (BNSF), Number KP-06-Austria/8, which was carried out in 2021/23 at the Institute for Balkan Studies with a Centre for Thracology of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (Sofia, Bulgaria) and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Research on the Consequences of War (Graz-Vienna, Austria). The volume consists of eight articles which are dedicated exclusively to the reappraisal of bilateral relations between Austria and Bulgaria during the Cold War. The ten distinguished scholars provide deep analyses of the complicated bilateral relations between a neutral state Austria and a member-state of the Soviet bloc – People’s Republic of Bulgaria tracing diplomatic, political, economic, trade, etc. relations during the bipolar international system after the World War II. All articles are based primarily on research work with Bulgarian and Austrian declassified archival collections available, but not limited to the following archives: Austrian State Archive /Archive of the Republic (ÖStA/AdR), Central State Archive of the Republic of Bulgaria (Tsentralen Dărzhaven Arkhiv na Republika Bulgaria, or CDA), Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Bulgaria (Arkhiv na Ministerstvo na vănshnite raboti na Republika Bălgaria, AMVnR), Stiftung Bruno Kreisky Archive (SBKA).
The Development of Slovak-Hungarian Relations in 1939-1940 from a Soviet Aspect
Social Pathology and Prevention
, Edvard Beneš withdrew his former resignation from presidency and, as a former president of the state and the president of the republic, sent telegrams to the politicians of the great powers with the request to condemn the German invasion of his country. 1 As a consequence of the German advance, the state of Czecho-Slovakia was dissolved, the Germans established the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and also Slovakia declared her independence on 14 March 1939. 2 Beneš could get, with recurring calls, several western states to condemn the German aggression but no serious steps were taken beyond the scope of diplomacy. Germany sent a memorandum to the Soviet government on 16 and 17 March 1939 on the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. The Soviet diplomacy felt the gravity of the situation and set its apparatus in motion. On 18 March 1939, the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a document to the German ambassador in Moscow; they condemned the German steps in eight points and they declared that the Soviet government did not acknowledge either the Protectorate or the independence of Slovakia. 3 The Soviet administration put the blame for the situation on France and England as they sacrificed the small states of SouthWestern Europe in order to direct Nazi Germany towards the Soviet Union. After the annexation of Austria and Czechoslovakia the USSR became more concerned about her own safety, and therefore she increased her diplomatic activity in Eastern Europe. 4 Opening towards Slovakia seemed advisable now since their embassies in Vienna, Prague and later Warsaw closed or worked as consulates due to the German advance, which limited the possibilities to obtain information. They needed to feel the connections in Bratislava and Budapest. The Soviet interest increased and their activity became more intense after the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact. 5 On 31 August 1939, Molotov gave a speech in which he said that
Between War Times: Upper Austria from 1918 to 1939
CRAACE Blog, 2018
To commemorate the centenary of the First Austrian Republic in 2018, the Upper Austrian regional gallery in Linz presented a cross-section of stylistic developments and institutional frameworks of fine arts produced in Upper Austria between the two World Wars. The exhibition was part of the historical exhibition Between War Times: Upper Austria from 1918 to 1939 at the Linz Palace Museum, which runs through to January 2019 with a focus on the federal state’s position in an Austria that suffered deeply from social and political upheavals in the 1920s and 30s, and was annexed to the Third Reich in March 1938. With these historical complexities discussed elsewhere, the exhibition in the gallery focused its efforts on painting, photography and the graphic arts of the region, paying no more than faint attention to socio-political developments.
Austria in the pages of the Bulgarian press during the 1950s
Papers of BAS Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 9, No. 2, 139-151, 2022
The focus of the studies that examine the Bulgarian-Austrian relations during the Cold War falls on the main aspects of the economic, political and cultural domains. The topic of Austria in the pages of the newspaper Rabotnichesko delo (“Worker’s Deed”), which was the printed organ of the Bulgarian Communist Party, has not been a subject of any research until now. The chosen time frame makes it possible to follow both the policy of the Soviet Union towards Austria from the beginning of the Korean War until the death of Stalin, but also how the country’s image gradually changed on the pages of the Bulgarian press, again in relation to Kremlin’s tactics after 1956 against the background of Kremlin’s peaceful coexistence policy.
Austria at the crossroads:The Anschluss and its opponents
2013
Endgültig und restlos Ordnung machen! 122 CHAPTER 4 132 '...Auf so unsichere Kantonisten kann sich Oesterreich in seinem Daseinskampf nicht verlassen': Relations with the Social Democrats Eine staatsbejahende Partei? 134 'So reimen sich heute Nationalsozialismus und Marxismus in Österreich zusammen' 141 A United Front? 156 CHAPTER 5 165 'Hier wird auch der Nationalsozialismus sein "Halt" finden': Negotiations with the NSDAP 'Das, was in Nationalsozialismus…gut und gesund ist, das ist altes, christlichsoziales Programm' 167 Why negotiate? 188 All Roads Lead to Rome-The Search for Allies 203 CHAPTER 6 218 'Rückkehr nach Potsdam': The Prussian Paradigm 'It is a war of life and death, which will not be ended for a long time' 223 Hoch Hohenzollern! 237 Im Stechschritt zum Einheitstaat 244 CHAPTER 7 258 'Österreich hat das Reich schon in seinem Namen': Austria's German Mission
Polish-Austrian Relations at the End of the Cold War in the Light of Polish Diplomatic Sources
PRZEGLĄD NAUK HISTORYCZNYCH, 2024
The historical research methods adopted aim to answer the question of whether the Eastern countries neighboring Austria, constrained by their economic and political systems, could count on assistance in initiating political reforms. The disparity between the democratic West and the communist East had an unfavorable impact on Vienna. The research thesis concerns the possibility and scale of Austria’s involvement in economic reforms in Poland. The Austrians recognized that the development of their Eastern neighbors benefitted the development of the Second Republic and consistently strengthened it. Austria repeatedly confirmed its willingness to help Poland not only on a humanitarian basis but also diplomatically and economically, without having to negatively evaluate the actions of the communist authorities. Therefore, Austria in Polish diplomatic documents and official press releases from 1985–1989 is characterized as an ally and a partner. An example eagerly used by the Polish authorities was the official position of Austria and its negative assessment of the economic sanctions imposed on Poland by the West. The narrative is divided into two periods. The first covers the years 1985–1986 and reports on the revival of relations after the introduction of martial law in Poland. The second period concerns joint activities in the years leading to the breakthrough and the ‘autumn of nations’. The Austrian government’s policies strengthened the existing regime and prolonged the decay of the Polish political system. In unofficial talks, Poland’s economic reforms were assessed in Austria as superficial, and an economic collapse was predicted, with potentially disastrous consequences for Europe. The Polish authorities used the neutral republic's influence and position to achieve their goals, especially to legitimize the government. The balance of bilateral relations in the final stage of the Cold War proved unfavorable for both countries.
Europe Now , 2022
This is part of a series on the Ukraine Crisis. Austro-Russian historic, political, economic, and cultural bonds Complex cultural relationships between Russia and Austria span hundreds of years, years deeply rooted in rich imperial, political, and cultural interdependence. Unlike many other European countries, these two former imperial powers managed to not wage wars against each other until World War I, when Russia and Austria involuntarily crossed swords for the first time. Even though they fought on the opposite sides, they both experienced a similar end-they lost the war and underwent major transformations of their respective states, governments, and political systems.[1] With numerous tragedies befalling the two royal families, including suicides, assassinations, and executions, both monarchies ceased to exist. In the end, Russia's monarchy was brutally replaced by the Soviet Communist regime, and Austro-Hungarian Empire dissolved.[2] 2/15 Since then, according to the Russian ambassador to Austria Dmitriy Lyubinskiy, Russia and Austria have managed to maintain a very special bond and build "constructive relationships" that are mutually beneficial, pragmatic, and substantially dependent on the conscious personal contact and collaboration between the respective heads of the states. [3]Collaborative and mostly amicable relationships involve stable trade, numerous business and political visits, as well as vibrant cultural and scientific cooperation. Many of those bonds, however, have been highly controversial, questioning the ethics of the Austrian political elite and their dubious choice of profit versus patriotism. For example, in 2018, former Austrian foreign minister Karin Kneissl, who invited Russian President Vladimir Putin to her wedding and curtsied to him during the pompous ceremony in Austrian Gamlitz, was given expensive jewelry-and then a seat on the board of directors at the Russian state-controlled oil industry giant Rosneft.[4] A more recent corruption scandal, associated with Russian oligarchy and a honey-trap video that involved the Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, or FPÖ), pressured Austria's Chancellor Sebastian Kurz to step down in 2021.[5] Nonetheless, regardless of the scandals and controversies, various bonds remain strong. So is Austrian-Russian interdependency-and in some instances, Austrian dependency on Russia. According to Elisabeth Christen, Senior Economist at the Austrian Institute of Economic Research (Österreichisches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung, WIFO), about 80 percent of Austria's natural gas is imported from Russia.[6]What it means is that the immediate embargo on Russian gas would certainly hurt Austria more than it would hurt Russia, so the Austrian government declared it will continue to import Russian gas and oil.
Chapter from the book: Maxine David / Jackie Gower / Hiski Haukkala (eds.): National Perspectives on Russia. Routledge, London / New York, 2013, pp. 209-221.
Hungarian–Soviet diplomatic relations 1935–1941: a failed rapprochement
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 0966813041000235128, 2007
PETER PASTOR HUNGARY'S ATTACK ON THE SOVIET UNION on 27 June 1941 has been seen by most Hungarian historians as a tragic mis-step inspired by Germany's military success. On 23 June, the day after Germany unleashed its Operation Barbarossa, Commissar of Foreign Affairs Vyacheslav M. Molotov declared that the USSR had no claims against Hungary, and supported its revisionist goals against Romania. Yet the Soviet Union became the sudden enemy. Historians point out that Hungarians paid dearly for their government's fateful decision. Beside the human cost, war and defeat led to the loss of all those territories Hungary had regained from its neighbours between November 1938 and April 1941. These gains undid the territorial exactions of the dictated Peace Treaty of Trianon of 4 June 1920. 1 A corollary to its defeat was Hungary's absorption into the new Soviet empire, a situation that lasted for 45 years. An examination of the events preceding the war, based on documents published in Hungary and in Russia following the collapse of communism, however, indicates that, contrary to Molotov's declaration, a tense relationship existed between the two countries from the time diplomatic relations started in 1934, which signaled the start of a rapprochement between the two countries. Neither country was able to achieve the goal that had originally led to the establishment of diplomatic ties. The Soviet Union expected Hungary to act as a barrier to Nazi German influence in East Central Europe, while the Soviet Union was counted on to give active support to Hungary's revisionist goals. These hopes were not realised. By late summer of 1935 the USSR was ready to join Romania in an anti-Hungarian alliance, and Hungary joined Germany (and Italy and Japan) in an anti-Soviet one in January 1939. Hungary's step contributed to the shaping of a Soviet policy intended to put Hungary into Moscow's orbit even before Hungary made its fateful decision to follow Germany and its allies in their attack on the USSR. Hungarian-Soviet relations following World War 1 started off on a positive footing. In Hungary a Soviet Republic was promulgated on 21 March 1919 and was welcomed by Lenin. Hungary sought an alliance with Russia against Entente imperialism, but before diplomatic relations could be established between the two countries the early Hungarian experiment with communism came to an abrupt end on 1 August 1919. The Hungarian governments that followed were anti-communist and refused to recognise the Soviet Union.
Book Polish-Austrian Relations at the End of the Cold War, 1980–1989, Content
Palgrave Macmillan, 2024
This book proposes a new historical framework for the analysis of the relationship between communist Poland and neutral Austria during the final decade of the Cold War. The tragic Polish crisis of 1980–1982 is examined within the context of Poland’s relationship with the wealthy, neutral country of Austria. By exploring the political meetings and negotiations that took place around the introduction of martial law in Poland, this book sheds light on Polish-Austrian bilaterial relations as seen from the perspective of Polish diplomatic documents. Divided into three parts, the book begins by illustrating Austria’s attitude to reforms in Poland in the early 1980s. The second part focuses specifically on the imposition of martial law in Poland, and the third part explores the cooperation between the two countries through the form of investments and environment protection. Particular emphasis is placed on Polish attempts to recruit Austrian politicians in order to overcome the political isolation in which Warsaw found itself after December 13, 1981. The author analyses the political boundaries that Austria could, and wanted to, cross, in order to help the Polish regime, offering insights into Austria’s fears of financial loss as a result of the collapse of the regime.
Search for Partnership: German-Soviet Political Relations on the Eve of the Second World War
Prague Papers on the History of International Relations, 2015
The aim of the essay is to analyse the most important circumstances which could affected the final Stalin's decision leading to the ratification of Soviet-German political relations at the end of the thirties. Among others to verify the affirmation that it was a calculated deal with exact objectives in the case of Ribbentrop-Molotov's Pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of August 23rd, 1939 was a calculated accord with precise objectives when in both systems common national interests, which consisted also in the partition of Poland, overshadowed their ideological differences. This paper outlines the circumstances of the negotiations, the main actors, and motives leading to the creation of the agreement. A part of the research is the analysis of importance and direct consequences of the German-Soviet Pact. The political alliance provided Germany both a feeling of relative security in the war against Poland and neutrality of the second party, including the guarantee of ...