Evaluative review of the Statebuilding Grant and the Palestinian Governance Facility -DFID Palestinian programme (original) (raw)
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Journal of Peacebuilding & Development
Official development assistance for statebuilding provided to the Palestinian Authority (PA) has increasingly been focused on technocratic governance reforms that fail to address the root causes of conflict between Israel and Palestinians. A prime example is an emphasis on preparing mediumterm development plans despite the fact that the ongoing occupation prevents their effective implementation. The donor community is bound by the Fragile States Principles to strengthen state capacity to help prevent recurrence of conflict. Drawing on publicly available data and government documents, as well as interviews with stakeholders in PA development policy, this article identifies shortfalls in statebuilding strategy benchmarked against the Fragile States Principles. In order to fulfil their peacebuilding mandate, it is crucial for the donor community to address the role of the Government of Israel in governance failures in the occupied Palestinian territory and engage civil society more effectively.
2009
The aim of this study is to improve and develop the relevance, effectiveness and impact of locally produced research on economic and social policy. This will be achieved by building a clearer picture of the parties involved in the policy-making process and the political and economic systems they operate within. This study also examines the relationship between the research and policy-making spheres and the role that international actors and donors play in processes of research and policy formulation. Bridging the Gap Between Research and Policy Making In the Palestinian Territories: A Stakeholders’ Analysis, co-authored with Joseph DeVoir, MAS, Palestine.
Creating 'Partners for Peace': The Palestinian Authority and the International Statebuilding Agenda
The Palestinian Authority (PA) offers an interesting case study of statebuilding in a conflict-country context. Created as an interim administration in the West Bank and Gaza in 1994, the PA has been hampered by the statebuilding framework enshrined in the Oslo Accords, its lack of sovereignty, the lack of final status negotiations, and the 'partners for peace' paradigm which is an attempt by donors and international organisations to support who they regard as the 'right' type of elite*that is, those willing to 'make peace' with Israel (as defined by Israel). This article explores the impacts of this paradigm and argues that it has paralysed the formal political process in Palestine and has securitised democracy.
2013
The review has been based on the use of the evaluation criteria of: relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, impact; sustainability; coherence and the European Commission's added value. As mentioned, the review covers the period of the NSA-LA Programme implementation in Palestine (2007-2012 3) and the actions that have been financed in East Jerusalem, Gaza Strip and the West Bank through the local CfP including the support measures: the whole set of 28 projects, was analysed using basic documents, a visit to the concerned organisation and a questionnaire; a sample of 9 projects, has been considered for an "in-depth" analysis, including a wider set of information sources and documents. Priority targets for NSA calls in Palestine Projects targeting deprived territories especially but not limited to, Gaza Strip and seam zone Projects empowering community based organisations and grass root groups, with a special emphasis on social services delivery involving young people Projects that promote and demonstrate good organisational governance, including participatory approaches, accountability and evidence based needs analysis Projects that include capacity building at all levels 2008 Projects that strength coalitions, networking and alliances at all levels including national dialogue in order to consolidate the voice of Non State Actors and their advocacy capacity towards decision makers Projects that target population groups in the Gaza Strip that were affected by the so-called Israeli "Cast lead" operation, specially women, children and youth Projects that empower community based organisations and grass root groups, with a special emphasis on engaging young people to deliver social services in their communities 2009 Projects that facilitate interaction, networking and coordination between governmental entities and Non State Actors
Building a Successful Palestinian State
Foreign Affairs, 2005
Building a Successful Palestinian State indeed, the original research was conducted mainly during the height of the second intifada-a period of active conflict and little political dialogue. RAND's work remains relevant and valuable because one of its original motivations was to advance prospects for peace by showing that a successful Palestinian State is feasible. The need to demonstrate feasibility has not changed. Nor has the validity of most of RAND's programmatic recommendations. Now, as in 2005, a critical majority of Palestinians and Israelis, as well as the United States, the European Union, and other international parties remain committed to a negotiated settlement leading to an independent Palestinian state. When that occurs, progress along the lines we have identified will be necessary to move forward. And, as recent experiences from East Timor to Iraq underscore, research and planning in advance of political developments can be essential for success. This work should be of interest to the Palestinian and Israeli communities; to policymakers in the Roadmap Quartet (the United States, the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia); to foreign policy experts; to organizations and individuals committed to helping establish and sustain a new state, and to the negotiating teams charged with the responsibility of reaching an accord. Primary funding for these studies was provided by private individuals. Building a Successful Palestinian State was funded by a generous gift from David and Carol Richards. Support for this research in the public interest was also provided, in part, by donors and by the fees earned on client-funded research. xi Acknowledgments Many people both within and outside RAND contributed to this book. The authors are deeply indebted to the numerous Palestinian and Israeli experts who graciously donated their time and expertise to provide source material for this analysis. We are equally indebted to
State formation in Palestine: viability and governance during a social transformation
2004
The crisis-ridden progress in Palestinian state formation since the signing of the Oslo Agreements raises important questions about reform priorities and the future prospects of constructing a viable Palestinian state. Were the obstacles to progress primarily due to poor governance and poor leadership on the Palestinian side, how far have corruption and the weakness of democracy in the Palestinian Authority been responsible, and what were the effects of the economic and political relationships between Israel and the emerging Palestinian state? This book examines these key questions, and challenges the widely prevalent view that the Palestinian Authority collapsed because of its internal governance failures, its lack of commitment to democracy, and its failure to control corruption. It argues that the analytical framework of "good governance" is not appropriate for assessing state performance in developing countries, and that it is especially inappropriate in conflict and post-conflict situations. Instead, an alternative framework is proposed for assessing state performance in a context of economic and social transformation. This is then applied in detail to different aspects of state formation in Palestine to show that while there were indeed internal failures of governance, the institutional architecture set up by the Oslo agreements established an asymmetric Israeli control over the emerging Palestinian state and this was responsible for many of the most serious failures of governance. This architecture is based on Israel's insistence on security first, and since this is not likely to change soon, the analysis has important implications for the prospects of Palestinian state formation. First published 2004 RoutledgeCurzon 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon
Governance Structures for the State of Palestine
2017
Eventually, one would expect, there will be a Palestinian state. While today the goal of Palestinian self-determination might seem like a far-off destination, and many attempts at the establishment of such a state have not yielded much progress towards that desired end, it yet reflects the stated hopes and aspirations of many Palestinians, Israelis, and the international community. What would such a state look like? This paper will suggest some general guidelines for the establishment of a governance structure for an independent State of Palestine (SoP) in the West Bank along 6 parameters