Enhancing Local-Level Democratic Processes Within a Hybrid Regime: Insights Into Participatory Budgeting From Józsefváros, Budapest (original) (raw)
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In the study we examine the pulling, pushing and pulling back factors and events that influenced civil activism in Hungary between 2010–2022, which was the period of the birth of illiberal democracy in the country. We describe – relying on newspaper reports – the most important events and campaigns in the given period and their effectiveness. In Hungary citizenship activity is at a low level, even within Central-Europe. The viability of civil society is decreasing, especially in terms of financing opportunities, legal environment, image of civil sphere and ability to interest representation. We found that between 2010–2022 the presence of grievances as triggers was constant in the country, while the opportunity structures for action narrowed somewhat, but the illiberal Hungarian system is restrictive and not oppressive. There is a way to protest, to act in a different way, and actions do take place, but it is rarely possible to influence decision-makers - mostly in simple matters th...
Participatory democracy, Aarhus Convention, European Citizens' Initiative (ECI), Visegrad Countries, Hungary, national referendum, popular initiative, popular consultation, social participation, local referendum, public hearing, village meeting, communal policy forum, municipal policy forum, popular participation in environmental issues
Direct Democracy in Hungary (1989-2016): from Popular Sovereignty to Popular Illusion
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Since 1989, there have been organized seven national referenda related to thirteen questions in Hungary. Based on the content of the questions raised, one can draw a line of evolution in the history of the institution: the symbolic political issues of the transition and democracy-building were followed by the country's main strategic aims. Later, national referenda functioned as instruments of outsourced daily political debate between government and opposition, while at present-based on practice-national referendum can be considered as a typical instrument of plebiscitarian direct democracy. Moreover, during this period, sixteen questions were set on the National Assembly's agenda based on successful popular initiatives. Since 2010, the legislative and the executive power's approach to direct democracy has radically transformed. The Government started to use frequently the so-called national consultation in important legislative issues-a misleading communication tool which has no legal background. Besides, based on the new Fundamental Law of Hungary (2011) and the new Act on Electoral Procedure (2013), the possibility of a successful national referendum has been greatly restricted: there is prescribed as a necessary condition for a valid result that the majority of the voters should cast a valid vote. This condition was barely reached twice in the preceding period. Furthermore, the institution of popular initiative is not part of the legal system anymore. These trends are demonstrating that the classic tools of direct democracy are losing their relevance, while populist instruments are used more frequently in practice. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the contemporary debate related to this challenge .
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We are approaching 2014-the year of elections, which, with the development of democracy in Hungary forces us to analyze the question why there is such a low level of willingness to participate in our electoral activity and in public life in general? What factors hinder and hamper a larger citizen participation based on the development of civil society as its pillars? In the following we are looking for answers to these questions by examining the character, political culture and behavior in the history and sociological, psychological, and political approach to the civil society. The structure of the four decades of authoritarian system (1949-1989) was a "shattered structure", in behavior it left a legacy of a "defensive" civil society, two decades of democratic development was not enough for the reconstruction and activation in Hungary. In this study we are searching for the reasons. From 1990 to 2010, or in other words from the transition we can follow the development of the Hungarian political culture till the stabilization of pluralistic democracy, basically from the civil society's point of view. We examine the political culture of civil-society development of the communist regime, when they broke its structure and forced them to defend, then during the period of the system changes and the following two decades made it possible to build, to alter, the renaissance of civil society. We are going to look into the matters influencing the fate of the civil society organizations which were forming during the governments. We are also looking for the answer whether it started the regeneration, self-organization and renaissance of the civil society that once was atomized and forced to defend itslef, and that may lead towards building civil society participatory described by Almond and Verba authors. 1
Potentials of Direct Democracy in an Extremely Majoritarian System: The Case of Hungary
Ironically, direct democracy antedates democracy in Hungary: The first referendum was held even before the first free elections took place. Since 1989, 6 ballots have been held, in which 12 questions were decided. In the first phase questions regarding the democratic transition were decided. Those referendums helped to make a clear-cut break with the communist past. In a second step fundamental questions regarding the country’s international orientation were legitimised by popular ballot (NATO- and EU-accession, 1997, resp. 2003). Since then the use of referendums has changed: Parties started to use them in a more strategic way, trying to alter the balance of power or even to oust the government. Finally, Hungary’s new constitution of 2012, makes it very difficult to initiate referendums. Nevertheless the political actors have adapted to the new situation, trying to use the instrument of initiatives not so much to enforce referendums, but to mobilise their supporters. Hungary’s direct democracy is embedded in a predominantly representative system, thus serving as a complementary tool. This contribution will give an overview on the functions of referendums in the Hungarian political system and trace their changes. Methodologically the contribution is a case study, which describes the evolution of the legal framework and analyses the impact of the successful and unsuccessful referendums, thereby answering the question of the problem-solving capacity of Hungary’s direct democracy. Furthermore, the additional functions of direct democracy in the political process can be identified (such as legitimising political decisions).
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Populists claim that they alone represent the voice of the people against a corrupt elite. We argue that populist governments augment this claim by appropriating and manipulating the language and methods of participatory governance. Advancing an analytical framework on content, process, effect, resource efficiency and communication dimensions, we illustrate these arguments with the National Consultations in Hungary in 2010–18. Our conclusion for the case study is that these exercises were deeply flawed for securing popular input into policy-making. The implication for scholarship is that participatory governance enthusiasts need to be more aware not just of the uses, but also the abuses, of public input, while scholars of populism should pay more attention to the actual policies and practices populist actors employ to gain or maintain power.