Truman's Greek Experiment: The Dawn of Containment (original) (raw)
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Rountable on The U.S.-Greek Strategic Relationship During the Cold War and Beyond
Conference on the 50th anniversary of the Truman Doctrine, Academy of Political Science with the American Hellenic Institute Foundation, Washington, D.C., March 12-13, 1997
1997 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the most remarkable events in American history: the Truman Doctrine. The decision by President Harry S. Truman in 1947 to intervene in Greece to counter the threat of Soviet communism represented a turning point in world history. It committed the United States to the policy of containment of the Soviet Union. In terms of the preservation of human freedom and dignity, this policy represents perhaps the most successful foreign policy initiative undertaken by the United States, culminating as it did in the fall of European communities in 1991. To commemorate this event and to mark its inception in Greece, the Academy of Political Science co-sponsored a conference that was held in Washington, D.C., on March 12-13, 1997 with the American Hellenic Institute Foundation. Distinguished speakers, some of whom were active participants in the dramatic events of that era, recreated the atmosphere of the time. They discussed the background to President Truman's historic decision and its impact and legacy. The conference also looked forward. Discussions were held on the current balance of power in the Mediterranean and its implications for United States policy toward this strategically vital area.
Impact of Greek Civil War on the Creation of Truman Doctrine.pdf
Despite being one of the victor states of the World War II, UK was economically exhausted. She was in no power to stop USSR‘s entry efforts to the Middle East and the Mediterranean by herself. Without the support of the US, she could lose all of her strength in the region. US was profoundly powerful in the Western Europe, and in a similar fashion Soviets were in Eastern Europe. Being dominant in the Mediterranean, furthermore having a say on the oil regions was crucial for the two states. Greece was important in terms of her location for both states. This situation led to the condensing of the rivalry in the Mediterranean region over the Greek land. Greece came under the influence of the Soviets at the outset. The communist influence which started in the country might have spread out including Turkey and put all of the US interests in the region at risk. US who wanted to turn the situation in her favor, might have put the Soviets out of action with economic and military assistance to Turkey and Greece. US President Truman‘s statement that he will give assistance to both contries on March 4th of 1947 induced the emergence of the Truman Doctrine. US assistance led to the experience of a new period for the politically utmost complicated Greece.
Birth of the Cold War: irregular warfare first blood in Greece
Small Wars & Insurgencies, 2019
While often held up as a model of successful American counterinsurgency, the Greek Civil War presents a unique case. Peculiar local conditions and geopolitics contributed to the defeat of communist forces in Greece. A firm British and later American commitment to combating communism stood in contrast to ambiguous support from the Soviet Union in an area they considered outside of their sphere of influence. Strong nationalist feeling among the Greek population buttressed support for the government and undermined the 'internationalist' concessions of communist forces. These characteristics make the extrapolation of broader lessons focused on victory through the application of overwhelming American resources and the financing of local forces problematic. If lessons are to be gleaned from this case, they should focus on the critical roles played by internal political dynamics and geopolitics in undermining the strength of the insurgent forces and how these provided a stable platform from which the counterinsurgents could operate.
Greek-American Relations from the Early Cold War to the Present: An Overview
In Rossides (ed.), Greece’s Pivotal Role in World War II and its Importance to the US Today. (Washington, D.C.: American Hellenic Institute Foundation, 2001), pp.137-155.
This volume is designed to illuminate Greece'ss efforts in World War II and to set forth the reasons for Greece's importance to the U.S. today. It is my hope that this volume will stimulate much additional scholarship on Greece'ss historic role in World War II and in the 20th Century as well as Greece'ss importance to the U.S. in the new millennium. From the Introduction: As the years pass, it becomes more and more necessary to recall and record for new generations just how the people of Greece, alone or with allies, gained and held for their country for a century and more the independence and democracy it possesses today—and how in one special moment in history Greece at heavy cost and sacrifice and with great courage and determination played a pivotal role in World War II in defying the forces of tyranny and Axis aggression that were arrayed against not only Greece but the whole of Western civilization. It is an inspiring story. General Andrew J. Goodpaster, USA (Ret.) Former Supreme Commander of NATO Published by American Hellenic Institute Foundation
The Greek-Americans and US Foreign Policy since 1950
Études helléniques / Hellenic Studies, 1998
Cet article fait un survol historique général des efforts helléno-américains d'influencer la politique américaine envers la Grèce et ses voisins pendant la seconde moité du XXème siècle. Avant 1974, c'est-à-dire avant la création du "lobby" helléno-américain fondé suite à l'invasion turque de Chypre, avaient eu lieu une série d'efforts moins organisés, mais tout de même déterminants. En 1978, l'embargo sur la vente d'armes à la Turquie prit fin. Par la suite, le "lobby" helléno arnéricain perdit considérablement de son pouvoir, quoiqu'il ait continué à exercer une certaine influence. La première section de l'article porte sur des questions d'interprétation alors que le reste consiste à donner un aperçu chronologique de ces efforts avec les caractéristiques particulières de ce "lobby".
Bloomsbury Academic, 2022
Greece and the Cold War examines examines the 1954 crisis within NATO from the novel perspective of critical international theory and exposes the unexplored connections between dependence and nationalism in Greek foreign policy. Drawing on a wide range of American, British and Greek archival sources, it argues that nationalism and compliance with the collective interests of NATO were two irreconcilable objectives in Greek foreign policy after 1952. At the same time, the book tells the story of how the post-Civil War governments of Greece, for a variety of political, cultural and ideological reasons, treated these two objectives as essentially compatible, resulting in the adoption of a dualist policy. This self-contradictory diplomatic doctrine, which the author refers to as “dependent nationalism”, lies at the heart of Greece's post-War failures both to emancipate its politics from US intervention and to peacefully end its regional dispute with Turkey over Cyprus. The book deploys an interdisciplinary approach which brings together the diverse perspectives of diplomatic history, foreign policy analysis and political sociology.
The Relevance ofDétenteto American Foreign Policy: The Case of Greece, 1967–1979
Diplomacy & Statecraft, 2014
This article contributes to the historiography of détente from an original viewpoint, namely the relationship between the United States and Greece. It substantiates the argument that the supposed spirit of détente did not help lessen American realpolitik considerations concerning Greece and its surrounding geostrategic region; in fact, the more Cold War antagonisms intensified in the region, the more Greece was locked in the morass of superpower rivalries. This tendency was also, ironically, re-invigorated following Greece's adoption of its own Ostpolitik largely thanks to the spirit of détente. This paradigm was reflected in the policy of the four successive American administrations between 1967 and 1979 during which détente had become the most popular notion in the Cold War lexicon.