The Burgundian-Habsburg court as a military institution from Charles the Bold to Philip II (original) (raw)
I. Olivier de la Marche and the introduction of the Burgundian ceremonial in Spain Early in 1548 the emperor Charles V, who was staying at that time in Augsburg, sent the duke of Alba with a set of instructions to his son Philip, the acting regent of the Spanish realms. In his instructions, Charles urged Philip, among other things, to introduce the 'ceremonial of the court of Burgundy' into Spain. After half a year of preparations this order was put into practice on 15 August, so coinciding with the elaborately celebrated feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. 2 To obey the emperor's wishes, Philip and his courtiers needed a blueprint. They found one in the Estat et Maison du duc Charles de Burgoigne, written three quarters of a century earlier by Olivier de la Marche on request of the English king Edward IV. 3 In fact, evidence suggests that de la Marche's text was widely read in the Iberian Peninsula. Its Spanish translation has been transmitted to us in several printed versions and in a huge number of manuscripts, nearly all dating from the mid sixteenth century or later. At that time, the introduction of the 'Burgundian ceremonial' thus must have made a great impact upon Philip's court. 4 Seen in this respect, Olivier de Marche not only directed affairs at the courts of the three successive Burgundian dukes he served during his lifetime as great master of their households (maître de l'hôtel) or as captain of their guardsmen, 5 but 1 Steven Gunn and Atheun Janse commented on an earlier version this article. Their suggestions have greatly enhanced the quality of this article. Obviously all remaining errors are mine.
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Prince Philip of Spain’s first official journey through his hereditary lands was of momentous importance to the development of royal Spanish etiquette, or so it is commonly believed. The Royal Household of the Spanish kings was ruled in a consuetudinary way during the 16th century, with different partial instructions and ordinances for specific offices. They developed in a convoluted way. The Household of Castile, for instance, received a real compilation of Etiquettes no earlier than 1575, when Philip II put the household of his fourth wife, Anne of Austria, in order, and only in 1651 a “definitive” version was elaborated for the entire Royal Household. The first attempt to compile those norms was achieved under Charles V, supposedly in a clear break with historic precedent. Especially relevant were the ordinances of his son´s, Prince Philip’s household, first in the Castilian way, in 1535, and then, in 1548, in the Burgundian manner, for the Felicissimo Viaje. But was it exactly like this, as most of the authors have explained to us? We believe that these types of document, and specially their application to events such as the Viaje, must be studied within a broader perspective, taking into account the different influences on the ceremonial of the Spanish court at that moment. For example, if we consider the different offices described in the instructions of 1548, we realize that some of them were duplicated (Castile-Burgundy) and even that the different areas of the service of the prince were divided between both ceremonials: the Royal Stables, the Chamber and the Royal Table (those closest to the prince, in effect) were predominantly Burgundian, while offices related with the contact with the territories and kingdoms that were going to be visited, were established in the Castilian manner. In this paper, we will analyse the different services of Emperor Charles V and Prince Philip during the years of the Felicissimo Viaje (specially the offices related with the ceremonial), the mixture of ceremonial traditions that converged on them, and the way that they acted during the journey.
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The essay takes as its starting point the complaint with which Henry of Langenstein (c. 1325-1397) opened his treatise known as the Secreta sacerdotum: contemporary priests’ flawed methods of celebrating mass differ from what they teach (or perhaps learn) because they have “learned hardly anything from their manuals.” The essay is divided into two parts. The first section considers what Henry might have meant by the term “manualia”, exploring admonitions for the avoidance of and coping with errors in ritual performance in liturgical manuals such as the Sarum Manual, the Manuale parochalium sacerdotum, the Cautelae missae, Guido of Monte Rochon’s Manipulus curatorum, and Hermannus de Scildis’s Speculum manuale. The section draws particular attention to the way in which manual literature digests scholastic sacramental theology and canon law. The second section turns to Henry’s own proposal to a different method of celebrating, based on “true reason”. Henry’s treatise is found to differ from the adduced manuals in basis, scope, and detail. Further, the author’s appeal to a kind of practitioner’s common-sense as an interior guiding principal is interpreted as a strategy for the apparently inherent ineffectiveness of the written manual.
Resumen Los Países Bajos, tras su incorporación a la Monarquía Hispana, fueron regidos por gobernadores generales que establecieron sus propias Casas en Bruselas. Sin embargo, esta situación comenzó a cambiar a mediados del siglo XVII, cuando se empezó a hablar en los nombramientos de que los diversos criados ya no pertenecían directamente a la Casa de tal o cual gobernador, si no a la Maison Royale de Bruxelles. Esto suponía un notable cambio, pues podemos inferir que, desde éste momento, la Casa Real de Bruselas no pertenecía a los personas sino al territorio. La existencia de esta nueva Casa, por otro lado la única que se creó en Europa en todo el siglo XVII, requería de una justificación teórica. Hay que recordar igualmente, que durante el reinado de Felipe IV (1621-1665) se llevó a cabo en Madrid una codificación exhaustiva de las Etiquetas tocantes a la Casa Real, implicándose también el resto de Cortes de la Monarquía en el proceso, como fue el caso de Bruselas. Es en éste contexto donde debemos situar los manuscritos de Francisco Alonso Lozano que aquí presentamos. El autor, entre 1692 y 1712 redactó dos libros; en el primero, titulado Plan ou Estat de la maison royale dans ces estats de flandres, se detallaban las funciones de cada oficio de esa nueva Casa Real. Mientras, el segundo, Notice de toutes les emplois de la cour et de la chapelle royale de Bruxelles, indicaba el número de criados que había y los gajes y raciones que recibían. Sin duda, consideramos que la edición de estos manuscritos representa una fuente de primer orden para el conocimiento de la Corte de Bruselas durante el siglo XVII, comparable a lo que representan las Etiquetas Generales de Palacio que se realizaron en Madrid a mediados de dicho siglo. Abstract Following their incorporation into the Spanish monarchy, the Habsburg Netherlands were ruled by governors-general, who established their own Households in Brussels. However, this situation began to change in the mid-seventeenth century, as evidenced by the letters of appointment of various courtiers, who were no longer identified as members of this or that governor’s household, but rather as part of la Maison Royale de Bruxelles. We can infer, therefore, that from this moment onwards, the royal household in Brussels belonged to the territory rather than to particular people. Naturally, a theoretical justification was required to support the existence of this new household, by the way, the only one that was created in whole Europe at the seventeenth century. At the same time, it should also be remembered that during the reign of Felipe IV (1621-1665), the Etiquettes concerning the royal household were thoroughly codified in Madrid, so that the other Courts in the Monarchy could not have been oblivious to this development and became involved in the process, as was the case of Brussels. It is in this context where we must situate the ellaboration of the manuscripts of Francisco Alonso Lozano that we present here. Between 1692 and 1712, he wrote two books: the first was called Plan ou Estat de la maison royale dans ces estats de flandres, in which he detailed the functions of each office, while the second, Notice de toutes les emplois de la cour et de la chapelle royale de Bruxelles, indicated the number of servants and the stipends and bouche of court that they received. No doubt, we guess that these two manuscripts represents an invaluable source to the knowledge of the seventeenth-century Court of Brussels, comparable to what represent the Etiquetas Generales de Palacio for the Court of Madrid.
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