Malaysia’s economic engagement with China: A consideration of the economics and security nexus (original) (raw)

Malaysia’s National Interests and Threat Assessment of the United States and China

[Asan Report] Southeast Asian Perspectives of the US & China A SWOT Analysis, 2023

This chapter provides an overview of Malaysia's national interests and threat perception since its founding years since 1957, and how Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Razak defined the main principles and drivers of Malaysia's foreign and defence policies. From the Mahathirism since the 1980s until Najib's tilted preference in US-China strategic competition in the 2010s, domestic drivers are also identified as the main drivers for decision-making and foreign policy outcome of Malaysia. The strength and weaknesses of each distinct period are cross-examined with the opportunities and threat assessment by the respective regimes, hopefully be able to provide readers a clarified account of why and how Malaysia navigated great power competition the way it does.

Hong Liu, Beyond strategic hedging: Mahathir's China policy and the changing political economy of Malaysia, 2018-2020

In Felix Heiduk ed., Geopolitics and the US-China Rivalry (London: Routledge, 2021)., 2021

In Mahathir Mohamad's controversial political manifesto entitled The Malay Dilemma, published in 1970, 11 years before taking up his first prime ministership (1981-2003), he highlighted the substantial economic disparities between the Malays and the ethnic Chinese, calling for the Malaysian government's affirmative actions to provide protection and comprehensive support for the Malays who are "sons of the land." The implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP) since the early 1970s has significantly reduced the economic gaps between these two major ethnic groups and helped bring about a reasonably large Malay middle class, with some of them emerging as key players in the local political economy. 1 While the dilemmas faced by the Malays identified initially by Mahathir might have largely faded away half a century after The Malay Dilemma's publication, the deep-seated question about national and ethnic identity remains at the core of Malaysia's politics and directly or indirectly impact upon its diplomacy. The country has now faced new sets of dilemmas that are intricately embedded in the domestic and international political economy within a fast-changing region symbolised by the rise of China and its growing clout in the region as well as intensifying US-China confrontations, especially over the past decade. While China was amidst the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution in 1974 when the two countries established diplomatic relations, it has risen to become the second largest economy in world. In the meantime, the beginning of the Trump administration in early 2017 witnessed the escalation of the American-China rivalries in almost all spheres, ranging from diplomatic and trade to technological and ideological. The global COVID-19 pandemic has further fuelled the competitions between the two major powers in both the international and regional arenas. All these have inevitably affected Malaysia's foreign policy options, including its relations with China and the US. Malaysia's foreign policy choices, therefore, are increasingly shaped through a complex process of (re)negotiations among different stakeholders, both internally and externally.

Crouching Tiger, Ascending Dragon: The Trends and Dynamics Of Malaysia-China Relations

Kajian Malaysia

This article examines the trends and dynamics of Malaysia-China relations, with emphasis on the post-Cold War era and beyond. More specifically, it explicates the interplay of external and domestic dynamics that have defined Malaysia’s China policy amid shifting regional strategic and domestic political milieu. This article contends that Malaysia’s “hedging” policy vis-à-vis China has been primarily shaped by the country’s ruling-elite’s perceptions of its external conditions in the context of East Asia’s evolving power dynamics, tempered by their domestic political expediency. It further argues that despite the periodical recalibrations having given the impression of policy-shifts, they have not fundamentally altered Malaysia’s China policy-approach. Instead, continuity rather than change has been the hallmark, since the “structural conditionalities” driving and constraining Malaysia’s relations with China continue to be informed by Malaysian rulingelite’s domestic political consid...

A Costly Affirmation: Exploring Malaysia's One-Sided Domestic Security Dilemma

Asian Affairs, 2015

Singapore’s rude awakening to independence has led to the creation of one of the most important and strategic entrepôts in the Asia-Pacific. The country’s limited territorial lands and natural resources, combined with huge per capita income, high population density and sensitive racial mix, make Singapore the quintessential pragmatic trading state of the twenty-first century. This paper examines how Singapore has embedded itself at the centre of regional and global trade systems by exploiting various forms of free trade activities including multilateral, regional and bilateral FTAs that underpin its security and survival. It argues that in order to maintain the city-state’s geo-economic and geo-political viability, the Singaporean government has progressively linked its security interests with its multilevel free trade activities. Given the ‘vulnerability fetish’ and siege mentality that confront Singaporean leaders and policymakers, the pursuit of economic development via free trade has become the heart of its national security policy and strategy. The paper concludes by arguing that the enhancement and preservation of Singapore’s survival as a sovereign nation-state demands a strategic utilization of FTAs with different trade partners, especially with regional and trans-regional powers such as the United States and China.

The Political Economy of a Rising China in Southeast Asia: Malaysia's Response to the Belt and Road Initiative

Journal of Contemporary China , 2019

Disputing research that depicts weak states getting overwhelmed by China's financial might, this article argues that the political elites in a relatively weak and small state such as Malaysia are adept in engaging with a rising China to advance key projects, furthering their own agenda. In the case of Malaysia, the eventual outcome of this interaction is dependent on three key conditions: fulfilment of Malaysia's longstanding pro-ethnic Malay policy, a mutual vision between the state and federal authorities, and advancement of geopolitical interests for both Malaysia and China. The article puts forward a typology illustrating various possible outcomes to examine the interconnections between key players at a time of Chinese ascendancy.

Malaysia Between the United States and China: What do Weaker States Hedge Against?

Asian Politics & Policy, 2016

This article analyzes Malaysia's alignment behavior visa -vis America and China, with a focus on explaining how the weaker state's insistence on hedging has both motivated and limited its defense links with the competing powers. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that regional states choose to align militarily with the rebalancing America to hedge against China, the article argues that this characterization is only partially true; a more accurate account is that weaker states do not hedge against any single actor per se; rather, they seek to hedge against a range of risks associated with uncertain power relations. In the case of Malaysia, while Putrajaya aims to mitigate the challenges of an assertive Beijing, its alignment behavior is more a function of a desire to offset several systemic and domestic risks, namely, the shadow of entrapment, abandonment, and alienation, alongside the fear of authority erosion at home.

The Political Economy of a Rising China in Southeast Asia Malaysia s Response to the Belt and Road Initiative.pdf

Journal of Contemporary China, 2019

Disputing research that depicts weak states getting overwhelmed by China’s financial might, this article argues that the political elites in a relatively weak and small state such as Malaysia are adept in engaging with a rising China to advance key projects, furthering their own agenda. In the case of Malaysia, the eventual outcome of this interaction is dependent on three key conditions: fulfilment of Malaysia’s longstanding pro-ethnic Malay policy, a mutual vision between the state and federal authorities, and advancement of geopolitical interests for both Malaysia and China. The article puts forward a typology illustrating various possible outcomes to examine the interconnections between key players at a time of Chinese ascendancy.

The US National strategy for maritime security 2005 and its geopolitical implications on Malaysia

2011

This article is written on the assumption that Malaysia---a major littoral state to the Straits of Malacca and the South China Sea---may experience a delicate diplomatic situation resulting from the preemptive character of the US National Strategy for Maritime Security 2005---NSMS 2005---which could motivate rivalry, provoke conflict, and induce war in Southeast Asia. The assumption is such because the US is now perceived to be using NSMS 2005 as its latest geopolitical tool to contain China, to safeguard its energy security geopolitics, and in anticipation of maritime-based resource war in the region. The crux of this article, therefore, is based on the question how will Malaysia maintain its balanced relations toward the US and China in the context of this geopolitical framework. As such, this article attempts to analyze the preemptive character of NSMS 2005, to ascertain the China Factor contained in it, and to examine the impacts and implications of this maritime strategy on Mal...

The South China Sea and Energy Security: Malaysia's Reaction to Emerging Geopolitical Reconfigurations

The aim of this article is to assess Malaysia's approach to the presence of the U.S., and China in the South China Sea. Malaysia's strategy is directed at avoiding being entwined in big power rivalry. However, reality dictates that regional powers, such as Malaysia, have to carefully strategize their links with larger powers in order to secure their rights over the natural resources that are available there, as well as to prevent the militariza-tion of energy security. The hypothesis of this article is that the reorientation of the re-militarization of energy security in the South China Sea has changed the geopoliti-cal motives of the players, mainly the U.S., and China, to a neoclassical realist forward approach. We conclude that Malaysia's " hedging " role in the South China Sea is motivated by the potential conflict for hegemony and energy security between the U.S. and China.