Abraham's Battle with the Mesopotamian Kings and His Encounter with Melchizedek 1 (original) (raw)
Related papers
The Story of Abraham and Melchizedek in the Palaea Historica
From Byzantium, we have two starkly different images of the person of Mel-chizedek. The better-known of them, familiar to Christian readers from the Epistle to the Hebrews, is that of king and heavenly priest, the prefiguration of Christ, and, at least in Byzantine imperial ideology, the prototype of the emperor in his dual capacity as king and priest.1 An opposing picture of Mel-chizedek appears, among other places, in the Palaea historica, a kind of retelling of biblical history composed no earlier than the ninth century.2 The figure whom Abraham sees emerging from a cave on Mount Tabor is a naked and disheveled wildman, surviving solely on water and wild plants, with hair and beard reaching down to his feet, and nails a cubit in length (36.7–37.6).3
The Pre-Priestly Abraham Narratives from Monarchic to Persian Times, Semitica 59, 2017, 261-296
La recherche récente sur le Pentateuque souligne que l'essentiel de l'histoire d'Abraham en Gn 12–25 est d'origine soit sacerdotale, soit post-sacerdotale. Néanmoins, quelques traditions pré-sacerdotales peuvent être identifiées, notamment en Gn 12,10–20 ; 13* ; 16* ; 18–19*, des passages qui peuvent difficilement être lus comme formant une narration unifiée. Sur la base d'observations littéraires et historiques, l'article défend la thèse selon laquelle Abraham était à l'origine une figure du Sud judéen qui appartenait à divers groupes ethniques. Les traditions les plus anciennes qui nous soient parvenues, en parti-culier le récit d'Abraham et Lot, qui est associé à la promesse d'un fils et à sa naissance, étaient probablement transmises dans le sanctuaire de Mamré durant la période monar-chique tardive. Plus tard, à l'époque exilique, où les sanctuaires judéens hors de Jérusalem reprennent de l'importance, les anciens récits d'Abraham ont été complétés par la tradition de la matriarche en danger en Gn 12,10–20 et celle de la naissance d'Ismaël en Gn 16*. Ces deux passages, qui témoignent de liens importants, accentuent la dimension plu-riethnique de la figure d'Abraham. Ce n'est qu'à la période perse que les récits pré-sacerdotaux sur Abraham ont été utilisés par les élites de Jérusalem en vue de justifier leurs prétentions cultuelles et politiques sur la région du Sud.
The Pre-Priestly Abraham Narratives from Monarchic to Persian Times
2017
*, des passages qui peuvent difficilement être lus comme formant une narration unifiée. Sur la base d'observations littéraires et historiques, l'article défend la thèse selon laquelle Abraham était à l'origine une figure du Sud judéen qui appartenait à divers groupes ethniques. Les traditions les plus anciennes qui nous soient parvenues, en particulier le récit d'Abraham et Lot, qui est associé à la promesse d'un fils et à sa naissance, étaient probablement transmises dans le sanctuaire de Mamré durant la période monarchique tardive. Plus tard, à l'époque exilique, où les sanctuaires judéens hors de Jérusalem reprennent de l'importance, les anciens récits d'Abraham ont été complétés par la tradition de la matriarche en danger en Gn 12,10-20 et celle de la naissance d'Ismaël en Gn 16*. Ces deux passages, qui témoignent de liens importants, accentuent la dimension pluriethnique de la figure d'Abraham. Ce n'est qu'à la période perse que les récits présacerdotaux sur Abraham ont été utilisés par les élites de Jérusalem en vue de justifier leurs prétentions cultuelles et politiques sur la région du Sud. * This article is based on two papers presented by Oded Lipschits and Thomas Römer at a symposium on The Politics of the Ancestors (held January 15 th to 17 th 2016 at the University of Oldenburg, Germany). The papers will be published in the proceedings of the symposium. Observations at the symposium were that Lipschits's historical-archaeological approach and Römer's exegetical investigation resulted in similar conclusions about the origins of the Abraham tradition. These observations triggered the idea of merging the two texts into a combined piece. This was accomplished with the assistance of Hervé Gonzalez, who added further ideas and comments of his own.
La recherche récente sur le Pentateuque souligne que l'essentiel de l'histoire d'Abraham en Gn 12–25 est d'origine soit sacerdotale, soit post-sacerdotale. Néanmoins, quelques traditions pré-sacerdotales peuvent être identifiées, notamment en Gn 12,10–20 ; 13* ; 16* ; 18–19*, des passages qui peuvent difficilement être lus comme formant une narration unifiée. Sur la base d'observations littéraires et historiques, l'article défend la thèse selon laquelle Abraham était à l'origine une figure du Sud judéen qui appartenait à divers groupes ethniques. Les traditions les plus anciennes qui nous soient parvenues, en parti-culier le récit d'Abraham et Lot, qui est associé à la promesse d'un fils et à sa naissance, étaient probablement transmises dans le sanctuaire de Mamré durant la période monar-chique tardive. Plus tard, à l'époque exilique, où les sanctuaires judéens hors de Jérusalem reprennent de l'importance, les anciens récits d'Abraham ont été complétés par la tradition de la matriarche en danger en Gn 12,10–20 et celle de la naissance d'Ismaël en Gn 16*. Ces deux passages, qui témoignent de liens importants, accentuent la dimension plu-riethnique de la figure d'Abraham. Ce n'est qu'à la période perse que les récits pré-sacerdotaux sur Abraham ont été utilisés par les élites de Jérusalem en vue de justifier leurs prétentions cultuelles et politiques sur la région du Sud.
This paper outlines the biblical physiognomy of theophoric Melchizedek as king of the ancient city of Salem and priest of the Most-High God. In fact, a vivid reference to the “king of righteousness” (מלכיצדק) is made in Gen 14: 18-24, where it is underlined the profound theological significance of Melchizedek’s encounter with patriarch Abraham. However, the enigmatic personality of Melchizedek - depicting the high Priest, J. Christ - refers to both the messianic prophetic saying of royal Psalm 109 and the apostle Paul (Heb 5: 5-6; Heb 7: 3). Also, and other references from the non-biblical realm about the mysterious Melchizedek are examined and more specifically from the book of Jubilees and the book of 2 Enoch (Jub 13: 22-28, 2 Enoch chs. 69-73). In addition, Melchizedek refers to the apocryphon work Pseudo- Eupolemus, in Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers but in the Qumran texts, too, 11Q Melch and in Apocryphon of Genesis (1Q apGen). Yet, the name of Melchizedek is restored as the most probable reading in two other fragmentary works of the Essene-Qumran community: in the Amram Covenant (4Q’ Am- rambar), as well as in the Hymns for the Sabbath Sacrifice (4Q ShirShabb). Even more, Philo interprets the name Melchizedek as “king of peace”, “righteous king” (Leg. 3, 79-82; Congr. 99, 4; Abr. 235, 4-5), while referring to Melchizedek is also done by Josephus (JW 6, 438; Ant. 1, 179-181). Then, the priesthood in the culture and religion of the Sumerians and Babylonians is carefully studied, but also in the culture of the Hittites as well as in ancient Egypt. In addition, extensive reference is made to the issue of the divine kingship in the aforementioned peoples of the ancient Near east. In fact, in ancient Egypt majestic kings (the pharaohs) had a divine origin; something similar is observed in Babylon where the king was described as a victorious warrior who defeated his enemies. Nevertheless, in the civilization of the Hittites as well as in that of ancient Ugarit the king was described as the son of God. Ultimately, Melchizedek’s priesthood is undoubtedly associated with the divine kingship of the ancient Near east. In other words, a genetic connection is observed between the name Melchizedek and the priesthood, the kingship and the righteousness in the realm of the ancient Near eastern societies.
Reconstitution of Melchizedek's History in Rabbinic and Christian Traditions
Journal for The Study of Religions and Ideologies, 2017
Melchizedek's meeting with Abraham in the King?s Valley (Genesis 14) would mark the history of the chosen people. As king of Salem and priest of the Almighty God, Melchizedek meets the patriarch with bread and wine and then blesses him in the name of the God they both served. Assuming this liturgical ritual Abraham offers Melchizedek a tenth of everything, by this acknowledging and accepting his sacerdotal service. Even though at a first sight their gestures are somewhat natural, we will understand going through our study that the attitude of each character implies a deeper significance. This is emphasized firstly in psalms, in the context of several Messianic sentences, which refer to an eternal priesthood that finds its origins not in the service of Aaron, but in that of Melchizedek. This text would generate and fundament later the Pauline discourse on the priesthood of Jesus Christ and implicitly of the Christians. The resemblance of Melchizedek with Jesus Christ is maximized...
Hebrew Bible and Ancient Israel, 2014
Between " Realia " and " Exegetica " In this article we deploy biblical exegesis and insights from archaeology and extra-biblical historical sources in order to offer some preliminary observations on strands of " realia " in the Abraham narratives that could reveal their date and historical context. We first attempt to identify the early Abraham material and suggest that it represents traditions about the eponymous hero of the population of the southern highlands in the later phases of the Iron Age; these traditions could have been kept in the shrine of Mamre, which was possibly connected to the tomb of the hero. We then deal with the next phase in the development of the patriarchal story – the merging of the Abraham and the northern Jacob narratives. Finally, we describe those Abra-ham traditions that seem to date to exilic and post-exilic times and ask whether the Abraham material also contains a few insertions from the Hasmonean era.
"This book, emphasizing Genesis 14 and Psalm 110, contributes to the history of composition of the patriarchal narratives in the book of Genesis and to the history of theology of the Second Temple period. Genesis 14 was added on a late stage and in two steps: first, Genesis 14* and later, the so-called Melchizedek episode (ME, vv. 18-20). Genesis 14 is the result of inner-biblical exegesis: both Genesis 14* and the later ME originated from scribal activity in which several earlier biblical texts have served as templates/literary building blocks. As for Genesis 14*, in particular three text groups were important: the Table of Nations, the wilderness wandering narratives and annals from the Deuteronomistic History. As for the ME, it is an example of haggadic exegesis presupposing and without any prehistory independent of its narrative framework. ME is the result of an assimilation between two texts, Genesis 14* and Psalm 110, which assumedly at one point were read as a narrative and a poetic version respectively of Abraham’s war with the kings. Genesis 14 has no value as a source to the history of the patriarchal era and to the religion of pre-Israelite Jerusalem. In contrast, it shows how post-exilic scribes’ painstaking study of biblical texts resulted in the creation of new biblical texts. Reviewed in: Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 35.5 (2011), 85-86. Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 123 (2011), 145-146. Journal for the Study of Judaism 43 (2012), 93-96."
Abraham, Tutankhamun and the rise of Assyria
Abraham's proper place in history. The Hebrew Bible is one of the most extensively researched books in history, yet most who study the Bible are motivated by their religious convictions, not a search for historical individuals such as Abraham, or the era in which he lived. For that search, equally valuable to the secular investigator are narratives and quotations of earlier historians compiled by Josephus, Eusebius and Bar Hebraeus. This work demonstrates that when clues from multiple sources are interconnected, a coherent chronology emerges. Abraham journeyed to Canaan later than the Hyksos era, within the late 18th dynasty in Egypt, and specifically during the reigns of pharaoh Tutankhamun and Assyria’s empire-building king Ashur-uballit I. It is also possible to guess why Abraham journeyed to Canaan. During Abraham’s lifetime, Ashur-uballit crushed an ethnic Kassite army rebellion in Babylonia and annexed Babylonia into his growing Assyrian empire. This provides a reason for Abraham to depart his native city of Ur in Babylonia and offer to serve in the Egyptian army. There a troop of Kassite soldiers could defend Egyptian-held Canaan against Assyrian aggression. Kassite troops in the late 18th dynasty Egyptian army are attested in Amarna letters from the kings of Biblos and Jerusalem. Thus, it is plausible that when Abraham’s 318 “trained men” defeated king Kedorlaomer of Elam (Gen. 14:14), Abraham was a proxy of the Egyptian empire fighting a proxy of the Assyrian empire. One telling clue that this was Abraham’s role in history is found in Amarna letter 287, which mentions 308 or 318 men, in a broken passage within a letter from the king of Jerusalem complaining about a visit by unruly Kassite troops demanding supplies from the pharaoh.
In this article I argue that the pre-Priestly Abraham story was originally a unified and coherent composition, written as part of a larger literary-historical work that describes the history of Israel’s three ancestors. None of the three patriarchs belong to either Israel or Judah; they belong to the entity of the “New Israel.” The story was composed around the mid-sixth century BCE and reflects the anxieties and hopes of the people who remained within the land. Its author was guided by distinctive historiographical and theological concepts and reconstructed the remote past on the basis of some oral stories and his creative imagination. Hence, the cultural memories embedded in the stories cannot be separated from the other literary and theological elements included therein. The Patriarchal story-cycle is wholly innovative in its concepts of both the three ancestors of the people of Israel and the 12 tribes as an embodiment of Israel’s segregated origin. It was written in order to support the claim of the remainees that they are the heirs of Abraham and hence the land had been given to them in possession. These messages did not fit the theology of the returnees, who took over the story-cycle, reshaped the figure of Abraham, and depicted him as a faithful observer of the laws of the Torah.