Euromaidan uprising – causes, implementation and legality (original) (raw)
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The European Union has regarded a stabilising neighbourhood for the regional and international security. It pursues to build a secure neighbourhood via international cooperations. Ukraine is a significant state for the European Union to build a secure neighbourhood by means of the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. But Ukraine's 2014 civil conflicts revealed that this state has different internal dynamics to reverse European oriented policies. This article displays that the European Neighbourhood Policy and its power has been limited and reduced to regional and local axis, although the European Union has stabilising foreign policy instruments for its neighbours. Öz Avrupa Birliği bölgesel ve uluslararası güvenlik için istikrar sağlayan bir komşuluk ilişkisini önemsemektedir. Uluslararası işbirlikleri aracılığıyla güvenli bir komşuluk inşa etme peşindedir. Ukrayna Avrupa Birliği için, Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası ve Doğu Ortaklığı aracılığıyla güvenli bir komşuluğun inşasında önemli bir devlettir. Fakat Ukrayna'nın 2014'deki iç çatışmaları, bu devletin Avrupa yönlü politikaları tersine çeviren farklı iç dinamikleri olduğunu ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu makale, Avrupa Birliği, komşularında istikrar sağlayan dış politika araçlarına sahip olmasına rağmen, Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın ve nüfuzunun bölgesel ve yerel eksenlerle sınırlı olup onlara indirgendiğini göstermektedir.
Ukraine experiences unarguably the most challenging times in its modern history. The, so- called, “Ukraine crisis” has turned due to the projection of Russia´s military force in Crimea and the East of the country from an internal political conflict into a multi-level global crisis with significant consequences for Europe. The combination of domestic political challenges, severe deterioration of Ukraine`s oligarchic type of economy, war in the East of the country as well as the need for securing international financing and diplomatic support, put Ukraine in an extremely difficult position and on the top of the global political agenda. The authors also analyse Russia`s hybrid warfare showing how it justifies its actions and revealing the striking divergence in the reality on the ground and official Russian statements. In order to secure its national interests, Russia violated international law, broke its multilateral and bilateral commitments to Ukraine and took adversary stance towards the West blaming it to for the eruption of the crisis. This newly emerged situation in Eastern Europe significantly increases the insecurity of the former post-soviet republics as well as the possibility of a larger military collision. The paper also aims to provide a brief overview of EU policies preceding the Ukrainian crisis, and offers an analysis of responses of key actors (including Germany) involved in the Ukrainian crisis. Furthermore, the authors also put emphasis on the analysis of the current domestic developments in Ukraine, formulate implications specifically for Slovakia, as well as make short-term predictions regarding the future of political cooperation in Europe.
2020
The revolutionary events known as the Euromaidan fundamentally restructured Ukrainian political life and advanced the culture of politics. As with the Orange Revolution, the roots of the Euromaidan can be found in its idealism: the Ukrainian people's desire to create a state wherein the ideals associated with freedom, in their broadest sense, are respected. The dedication to ideals was more than political rhetoric; it was almost religious. This level of dedication helps explain the powerful motivation of those who took to the streets in mass protest. This paper examines the important differences between the Maidan of 2013-2014 (the Euromaidan) and the Maidan of 2004 (the Orange Revolution). A description and explanation of the stages of revolution in relation to the Euromaidan are provided, followed by a discussion of ideological consensus between political parties. The historical basis of the Maidan symbols are also examined, with further deliberation on how these symbols were...
ASYA STUDIES
This article has been prepared with the view of the intervention of the Russian Federation in the internal affairs of Ukraine and the necessity of evaluating the consequences of the sanctions imposed by the USA and the EU after the occupation and annexation of Crimea. The US and EU administrations have imposed sanctions on the violation of Russian Federation"s international law and tested the hypothesis that the Russian Federation will comply with international law. The dates of the sanctions of the US and EU governments were determined and the effects of these sanctions on the Russian Federation were evaluated. Political and economic effects of sanctions in Russia have been determined. It was observed that sanctions and counter-sanctions had a negative impact on the daily life of the Russian Federation society and punished Russian society indirectly. It is expected that Russia will comply with international law through sanctions. It was understood that the sanctions could not ensure the Russian administration"s adherence to international law. As a result, sanctions in non-democratic societies do not meet the expectations. The paper is valuable because there are limited number of researches in which the issue is addressed in the interaction of economic and political relations The interaction between political and economic data was concentrated on. In the first heading research aim, plan and execution process explained. In the second heading collected that opinions on the occupation and annexation of Crimea. There is a consensus on illegality of occupation and annexation according to international law. On December 5, 1994, in the Budapest Memorandum, Russia, the United States and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland reaffirmed their commitment to Ukraine to respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine. The third heading is "Ukraine"s Response to the Occupation and Annexation". Despite the invasion and annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation, Ukrainian administration has not declared open war to Russian Federation. Ukraine has defined the occupation and annexation of Crimea as a problem contrary to international law and has sought international support, especially from the US. The Reaction of the USA and the EU explained in the 4th heading. The US and the EU responded to the occupation and annexation by applying economic sanctions. Ukraine was expected to achieve territorial integrity through sanctions. It is not certain that political goals will be achieved through economic sanctions. The last heading is "Researches on the Types and Effects and Results of the Sanctions". With the impact of economic sanctions, there is no unity in the contribution of the USA and the EU to the realization of expectations. Some comments suggest that economic sanctions do not meet expectations, and the sanctions are not sufficient enough to ensure the Russian Federation"s retreat from Crimea. In some interpretations, diplomatic and economic sanctions are the most appropriate options since military response is not possible. During the occupation and annexation of the Crimea, Ukraine has sought international support. The reason for Ukraine"s call for international support is obvious. If Ukraine were already more powerful than the Russian Federation, it could prevent the invasion and annexation of Crimea itself. When Ukraine is matching up with the Russian Federation, it is seeking to international support because it knows that the balance of power is in favor of the Russian Federation.
Europeanisation and its impact on candidate countries for EU membership: view from Ukraine, 2023
Background: The nature of the European Union (EU) as a global actor has long been the subject of diverse academic debates. Proponents of an understanding of the EU as a normative force believe that its greatest transformative power lies not in coercion but in a policy of enlargement that allows the EU to stimulate reforms in the candidate countries of the Central and Eastern European region, despite the crisis of enlargement. The aim of the article is to study the impact of the Europeanisation process on the legal systems of member states and candidate countries, in particular Ukraine, as well as the formulation of proposals for national institutions regarding the perception of the ‘Europeanisation’ impact of EU law on the legal system of Ukraine. Methods: The methodological basis of the work is interdisciplinary and comprehensive approaches. The interdisciplinary approach is based on the application of theoretical developments in jurisprudence, philosophy, political science, and the theory of international relations, which make it possible to study the process of Europeanisation in relation to member states and candidate countries as fully and comprehensively as possible. The comprehensive approach is aimed at identifying the multifaceted and multifactorial ontological determinants of the Europeanisation process of legal systems. These approaches determined the choice of appropriate general theoretical and special scientific methods: hermeneutic, dialectical, analysis, synthesis, etc. Results and Conclusions: As a result of the study of the political will, capacity, and legitimacy of the EU to defend the values p roclaimed in the founding treaties, in cases of violations of the regulations of the EU law by the member states, the authors come to the conclusion that the EU may face negative consequences due to the display of democratic reformist coalitions in individual member states (Poland and Hungary ), as well as due to favouring (authoritarian) stability over uncertain (democratic) change. Concession to candidate countries for EU accession in terms of the fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria in exchange for satisfying the interests of leading member states may undermine the credibility of the project of building a European identity based on the common values o f the EU, as well as the loss of the reputation of the normative power of the European Union. Accelerating the process of Ukraine’s accession to the EU, which is connected with Ukraine’s acquisition of the status of a candidate for accession to the EU, requires the Europeanisation of the domestic legal culture as a prerequisite for the modernisation of all other elements of the legal system. This, in turn, implies the completion of the process of de-Russification of legal science and education, the development and approval of the Legal Education Development Program, and the modernisation of legal terminology.
Framing the image of the Euromaidan in the reports on the RIA Novosti on breakdown of 2013/2014
This the project of thesis which I am about to complete in one month and a half, therefore, I would be glad to get some feedback on the fashion of topic disclosure and coverage. The paper is focused mainly on the media image of the Euromaidan in the news agency 'RIA Novosti", however, there was no intention to unveil any correlations between official Russian stance and media coverage, that is why there will be no any conclusions between the image and official position. Although the study is not aimed to detect such interdependences the reader may make some evident conclusions. The research aims only to render overall picture of the Euromaidan in the reports of RIA Novosti. The aforementioned image is significant, because the RIA Novosti, being a reilable source of information, possesses certain degree of influence within Russian speaking community on Internet, especially in social media. Furthermore, RIA Novosti due to being information agency impacts the agenda of media in Russia and beyond. Accordingly, the image transmitted via the channels of RIA Novosti should not be underestimated.
The Ideology of the Euromaidan
2014
The revolutionary events known as the Euromaidan fundamentally restructured Ukrainian political life and advanced the culture of politics. As with the Orange Revolution, the roots of the Euromaidan can be found in its idealism: the Ukrainian people’s desire to create a state wherein the ideals associated with freedom, in their broadest sense, are respected. The dedication to ideals was more than political rhetoric; it was almost religious. This level of dedication helps explain the powerful motivation of those who took to the streets in mass protest. This paper examines the important differences between the Maidan of 2013-2014 (the Euromaidan) and the Maidan of 2004 (the Orange Revolution). A description and explanation of the stages of revolution in relation to the Euromaidan are provided, followed by a discussion of ideological consensus between political parties. The historical basis of the Maidan symbols are also examined, with further deliberation on how these symbols were used.
The post-Euromaidan future for Europe
Reframing Europe's future : challenges and failures of the European construction (ed. by Jody Jensen and Ferenc Miszlivetz), 2015
Recent and dramatic events in Ukraine support the assumption that the fundamental crisis of democracy we face cannot be defined and confined by the boundaries of the nation state and national politics. Accordingly, the nation state cannot be considered the exclusive unit of analysis or framework for civic participation any longer. Furthermore, national governments prove to be increasingly less capable of delivering on their promises to their national constituencies, and do not have the capacity to defend, protect or support their societies vis-à-vis robust and uncontrolled global markets, environmental catastrophes, legal and illegal migration or organized international crime. As a consequence, people feel less and less safe in the world. There is, therefore, much need for what is called regional and global governance. The weakness and ineffectiveness of international and global organizations is well known. The EU was seen as a model and solution for regional governance up until it, too, came under pressure from severe, multilevel and interdependent crises. Instead of creating new frames and enabling institutions, including civil societies at the regional and transnational level, the EU, by its very nature an elite-driven project, has undermined and emptied out national democracies at least since the outbreak of the financial crisis. Paradoxically, it has remained a magnet for outsiders, especially in its southern and eastern peripheries where people identify a better, more dignified life with ‘Europe’, as Ukraine’s second revolution within a decade has proven. Ukrainians were protesting, marching and dying for three months against their corrupt, tyrannical and ineffective post-Soviet state, seeing in ‘Europe’ the antipode of their past and an alternative to their present and future.
Ukraine is the best example of "nationalizing" nationalism. During its twenty-five year old existence the language question – in addition to historical approach and ethnical identity – has belonged to the unclosed questions of personal and group identity, and represents one of the central themes of political struggle. Official Ukrainian language policy permanently wants to promote the use of Ukrainian or Russian by overshadowing one or the other. Measures regulating language use have never been consequently applied, which fact in itself is enough to represent a permanent subject for political campaigns. Political powers unable to solve actual economic and social problems wanted to distract attention by this means. That is why the politicized language question could contribute to the political crisis and the outbreak of the armed conflict at the end of 2013 and at the beginning of 2014 in a politically unstable country facing economic breakdown. The present paper examines the role of the language question in the Ukrainian crisis in the period of 2014–2016. The word "crisis" is used to define situations, when the life (or functioning) of an individual, a community, a company or a state is threatened by a serious turmoil or difficult situation which decisively influences the present as well as the future. 1 In the brief history of Ukraine which gained its independence 25 years ago in 1991, the country had to face numerous crises. Constitutional, political, economical, demographical crises are closely linked to the history of the state. At the turn of 2013–2014 such crisis evolved in Ukraine that it outgrew its borders. Ukraine lost control over more than 11 % of its area (The area of Ukraine is 603,500 km 2 ; the area of the Crimea is cca. 27 thousand km 2 and armed conflict territory in the Donbass region is cca. 42 thousand km 2 .) The annexation of the Crimea, the eastern Ukrainian armed conflict endangers the balance of the world's security policy, now the political and economic sanctions against Russia and the responding opposing sanctions are obstructing the growth of world economy. 2 Some analysts do not only talk about different