The International History of the AFL-CIO during the Cold War (original) (raw)

It's time to come clean: open the AFL-CIO archives on international labor operations

2000

Kim Scipes Ordering the arrest of Chile's former dictator, Augusto Pinochet, for violations of Spanish citizens' human rights while they were in Chile during his rule, a Spanish judge opened a new front in the worldwide struggle for human rights in the Fall of 1998. British police carried out the order, arresting Pinochet who was in Britain at the time for a back operation. The subsequent decision by the British Law Lords that Pinochet was not protected from prosecution because he had been head of government during the time the alleged tortures and killings had taken place-they ruled that these activities were not a normal part of the duties of a head of state-meant that he could be extradited to Spain to face the charges. The Blair government's decision to permit Pinochet's extradition only reinforced the High Court's ruling, effectively establishing the principle that violating human rights is not a legally protected activity even for heads of state. This was a revolutionary development in international law. But why should American trade unionists care about Pinochet and what happens to this aging ex-dictator from Chile? I believe there's a good reason: it allows us to consider the kind of foreign policy we want the AFL-CIO to have in regard to the rest of the world, particularly toward developing countries. Do we want the new foreign policy that has been emerging since the election of John Sweeney to the presidency of the AFL-CIO in 1995 to dominate AFL-CIO thinking and activities, or do we want to revert back to the traditional AFL-CIO foreign policy of former presidents George Meany and Lane Kirkland? Since Pinochet is perhaps the symbol of the traditional approach, looking at the AFL-CIO's role in bringing him to power suggests that we need a new way, and that Sweeney's approach is a step in the right direction that should be supported. In this article, I briefly discuss the two different approaches to foreign relations by the AFL-CIO since 1962, with an emphasis on the period 1962-1995. I focus on events in Chile between 1970-1973 in considerable detail, discussing the larger context and then examining how the traditional AFL-CIO approach worked in practice. I argue that Sweeney's approach differs, and suggest how I think things would have worked in Chile had Sweeney's approach been taken. From this comparison, we can begin to discuss labor's foreign policy and what we need to do to really make it work in the interests of workers in this country and around the world. FOREIGN POLICY: TWO APPROACHES The hallmark of the traditional AFL-CIO foreign policy of the Meany and Kirkland regimes (hereafter, Meany/Kirkland) was an acceptance of US domination of other countries, especially in the so-called "third world." The traditional approach accepted and then acted to maintain this domination. Meany/Kirkland believed that domination of the world economy by US corporations was good for American workers, and so they allied themselves with those forces that supported US corporate expansion, and especially investment in developing countries (see, e.g.,

American Labour’s Cold War Abroad: From Deep Freeze to Détente, 1945-1970 by Anthony Carew: A Review Essay

Class, Race and Corporate Power

With Anthony Carew's new book, we are much closer to having a definitive empirical history of US Labor's foreign policy operations across this 25-year period, including the AFL's, the CIO's, and the AFL-CIO's foreign operations between 1945 and 1970. Based on extensive archival research and personal interviews by a careful and extremely meticulous scholar, we now have more details than all-but-a-few specialists may want to know. While not the first book to cover this subject, nor particular aspects of this subject, Carew's intervention adds greatly to what we know and, in a number of ways, re-establishes the groundwork from which future works on this subject must build.

Program Globalization from Below: Labor Activists Challenging the AFL-CIO Foreign Policy

Building on Alberto Melucci's argument that to understand a social movement, we must look at the period before emergence as a social movement, this article examines labor activists' efforts to reform the foreign policy program of the AFL-CIO: has sufficient groundwork been laid that a serious possibility of an alternative globalization movement can emerge from within US Labor?

Workers and world order: the tentative transformation of the international union movement

Review of International Studies, 2000

The activity of workers' organizations and labour issues is once again on the international relations agenda in fields ranging from labour standards at the WTO, to the terms of regional integration, to corporate codes of conduct, to civil society coalition building. This article argues that the role of the international union movement is transforming from a supporter of US capitalism to a brake on neoliberal industrial relations, to potentially advocating a different form of political economy in alliance with other groups. This transformation has taken place partially because unions have has been expelled from the corridors of power in key states and partially because of their encounter with a series of social movements. The cases of the ICFTU's activity in engaging international organizations and MNCs are used as examples to illustrate this trend. The implications for activity in, and the theory of, the global political economy are potentially significant. of US withdrawal. 7 For its part, US organized labour, as represented by the AFL-CIO, supported the government position by actively undermining foreign labour activity premised upon more confrontational or redistributive principles. 8 During the Cold War era most Western unions participated in what Maier calls the politics of productivity. 9 This refers to the political practice of subsuming class conflict by ensuring growth and productivity gains in the economy. It reflected a belief that proper technical management of the economy would create the conditions for prosperity which would eliminate the need for harmful distributional battles. The origins of the policy can be traced back to the uneasy compromise between labour and business that emerged from the Depression and the war-time experience of planning.