Moderatio tuendae libertatis. A historiographical study of Livy's History (Book 3). Saarbrücken (2010) (original) (raw)

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Abstract

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This historiographical study explores Livy's History, specifically Book 3, which encompasses the years 467 to 449 BC. The analysis focuses on the historiographical value of Livy's narrative rather than its historical value, examining how Livy's portrayal reflects the political and social context of his time. Key themes include the development of Roman identity and law, the role of significant figures in history, and the interplay between past and present in Livy's writing.

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Tacitus' Milichus and Livy's Vindicius: fides between domus and res publica. In: DEVILLERS, O.; SEBASTIANI, B. B.. (Org.). Sources et modèles des historiens anciens. Bordeaux: Ausonius Éditions, 2018, p. 211-219.

Tacitean scholars have noticed allusions to Livy by Tacitus since at least the end of the nineteenth century. Ever since, many works have attempted to identify and explain Tacitus’ interest in Livy’s history of Rome, generally focusing on comparisons regarding how these authors describe military events and Senate debates . The prevalent idea sustains that Tacitus alluded to Livy not only as a means to emulate him, but also to establish a contrast between past and present, demonstrating discontinuities and similarities between the monarchic and Republican past and the Principate . In this sense, Tacitus represented the past under the Principate as well as offered a political interpretation of that regime, establishing his authority as a historian . In this article, I follow this line of analysis, inquiring the dialogue established by Tacitus with Livy’s work about a specific theme: the question of loyalty (fides) within the context of Roman slave society. Although there are many references to slavery in both authors , little has been asked about the possibilities of intertextuality concerning the episodes involving masters and slaves, and freedmen and patrons. The relationship between slavery, manumission and citizenship is a common concern of Livy and Tacitus, even though they wrote at different moments of state regulation of slavery. I wish to point out a probable connection between the way in which Livy describes the origin of manumissio uindicta, through the story of the slave Vindicius, who exposed a conspiracy denouncing his master’s involvement (Liv. 2.4.6-5.10), and how Tacitus told the story of the freedman Milichus, who also denounced his patron because he took part in the Pisonian conspiracy against Nero (Ann., 15.54-55).

Validating Livy’s History of Rome: Examining the Ancient World Using Modern Historical Methods

Welebaethan Journal of History, 2013

Historians of the ancient western world recorded events for very different purposes than modern writers. Behind these accounts lay lessons of morality, societal behaviors, virtues, and the establishment of community through a shared set of events and culture. This poses problems for historical veracity because often it is unclear what actually transpired millennia ago. Thomas E. Sprimont examines interdisciplinary methods by which validation of Livy’s histories can be corroborated, shedding light on new methods for historical analysis, yielding surprising results.

Livy and the Augustan Heirs

Livio, Ad Urbem Condendam: riletture del passato in età augustea, ed. Alessandro Roncaglia, 2021

In this essay, I explore the contemporary relevance of Augustus’ succession in Livy’s history, particularly by examining how Livy provides fraternal relationships to his readers as exemplary models. I argue that Livy’s representations of Titus and Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, as well as Publius and Lucius Cornelius Scipio, were meant to act as possible exempla for two pairs of Augustan heirs—Tiberius and Drusus, and Gaius and Lucius—as well as exemplary fraternal models against which any contemporary reader could compare the actions of these pairs of brothers. While historians have long cited the importance of Livy’s allusions to Augustus and his increasingly powerful position in Roman society, little attention has been paid to how the historian dealt with contemporary concerns regarding the succession of Augustus’ powers, particularly after the near-death of the princeps and the passing of Marcellus in 23 BCE. By considering the historical relationship between Livy and the evolving approach of Augustus to his succession, it is possible to better understand Livy’s historiographical choices in their contemporary contexts.

"Civitas secum ipsa discors" (II 23, 1). Political Rhetoric in Livy`s First Pentad, forthcoming

Pentad SUMMARY: Livy tries to judge virtutes and vitia of both patricians and plebeians impartially. Naturally, Livy`s vision of the early republic presented in the first pentad is anachronic and discordant to historical truth. In my opinion he supports an aristocratic republic and Augustus`s principate, but often criticizes patricians and highly estimates valours of the plebs. His observations on regnum, libertas, moderatio, discordia are noteworthy and rhetorically embellished. The language of political rhetoric is extended and close to invective.

‘Livy, From the Founding of the City’ in Classical Literature and its Times ed. J. Moss. Los Angeles; Moss Publishing, 2006, 151-164.

Classical Literature and its Times, 2006

The literary work: A historical narrative of the history of Rome from c. 753 BCE to c. 9 BCE in 142 books (of which only books 1-10 and 21-45 have survived); written and published during the reign of the Emperor Augustus (31 BCE to CE 14) and the early years of his successor Tiberius (CE 14 to 37). Synopsis: Likening history to a monument on which are displayed good examples to follow and bad to avoid, the author traces the rise and expansion of Rome from the twin founders, Romulus and Remus, to the Emperor Augustus.

Gaetano de Sanctis and Livy: The first decade

2014

The classic history of the Roman republic in the twentieth century is Gaetano De Sanctis’ Storia dei Romani, although it reached only to  BC. The most important source for that history is, of course, Livy’s ab urbe condita. De Sanctis’ attitude to Livy is therefore of interest. He began with a devastating assessment, and that is borne out throughout his own narrative, where Diodoros is almost always preferred. When De Sanctis came, however, to reconstruct Rome’s history, he proposed the most radical revisions of the tradition, usually relying on Livy!

Concordia' and 'Discordia' in Livy's republic : Roman politics in 'Ab urbe condita' books 21-45

2019

Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions:  Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work).  Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes.  No Derivative Works You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work.

“Roma Victrix: Livy and Roman Military Superiority over the Greek East.”

The Hellenistic East that Rome came to dominate in the second and first centuries BCE was the result of Alexander the Great’s conquests and the breakup of his empire after 323 BCE. Many great Hellenistic generals tried to reclaim Alexander’s empire as his successor; however, it was the Romans who came closest to obtaining this goal, a theme that Livy underlines in his history. Ultimately, Livy respected Alexander’s remarkable abilities and accomplishments but viewed his own people as the true successors of the world hegemony briefly created by Alexander. This paper investigates a few examples of Livy’s depiction of Alexander in this context. Due to time constraints, we cannot discuss all of the available examples. Additionally, it is unavoidable that some argumentative and informative details must be sacrificed for the purpose of this presentation. I ask you to bear this in mind and forgive its necessity. Livy addresses the impact and importance of Alexander in a diverse fashion, sometimes with flattery and other times with insult. His respect for Alexander is palpable. Yet his criticisms can be vicious. The subject of Livy’s history and his own fascination with Alexander lends itself to such inconsistency. The conflicts between Rome and the Hellenistic states created after Alexander’s death, during the late third and second centuries B.C.E., are at the center of Livy’s work. These aspects undoubtedly helped shape his portrayal of Alexander and offer us a unique perspective on the relationship created by the Romans between Rome and the great Macedonian. This paper hopes to illustrate that because of a major part of Livy’s history, namely the rise of Rome to Mediterranean dominance, and because of the political atmosphere in which Livy was writing, namely the complete submission of the Hellenistic East under Augustan Rome, Livy, despite his generally positive opinion of Alexander, ultimately created scenarios where he portrayed the Romans as superior to the Macedonian king. American Historical Association Annual Conference, New York, NY, January 2015.

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nulla unquam res publica maior: Livy, Augustus, and the Foundation of the Roman Republic

This paper uncovers Livy's careful description of the foundation and very history of the res publica. With a focus on the first half of the second book of the Ab Vrbe Condita, it discusses the historian's definition of the Republic herself, the early important magistracies (consul, dictator, and tribune), and his description of key figures, both a hero (Iunius Brutus) and a villain (Coriolanus).

Liberty and the Founding of the Roman Republic: Livy I-II

Livy's History of Rome was a celebrated classic in his own lifetime. In the tumultuous era of the Roman civil wars, which spanned more than a half century, Livy's readers turned to his account of ancient Roman history for consolation and repose. His treatment of the generations of Rome's paternal and maternal ancestors seems like the stuff of fables or legend: from the grafting of the exiled Aeneas' Trojan branch by marriage on to indigenous and sturdy Latin stock, firmly rooted in Italian soul; through the new roots first planted at Alba Longa by Aeneas' son, Ascanius, and strengthened by 13 generations of Silvian kings; to the series of events that conspire-partly by necessity, and partly by chance-to bring forth the twins, Romulus and Remus, who eventually would restore the Silvian kingdom to their grandfather, its rightful heir, and then immediately depart-following their own "desire to establish" for themselves a new city of their own making in the forests and hills near the Tiber river where they were raised. Once the new city, Rome, is established through divine sanction and Romulus' spirited defense of the principle of numerical superiority over priority in time, the founder of the city fortified the walls upon his Palatine hill and began to shape the character of the people who would reside there, and become Romans.

Structuring Roman history: the consular year and the Roman historical tradition

Histos, 2011

This article is concerned with the shaping of the annual narrative in historical writers working in the Roman annalistic tradition and contests the view that Livy and his predecessors conformed to a standard pattern from which Tacitus departed. It is true that Livy in Books - employs a regular internal-external-internal pattern based on the consuls' movements between Rome and their provinces, with copious details on routine matters in the opening and closing domestic sections. However, Livy manipulates this framework freely for his own purposes, especially when incorporating Polybian material. Moreover, the pattern is characteristic only of his account of the Middle Republic: the annual narratives of Books - do not conform to it, and Livy probably abandoned it when dealing with events from the Social War on. It seems likely that the annual narratives of most of Livy's predecessors were varied and informal, like those of Livy Books -, and this is corroborated by fragments of Claudius Quadrigarius and Sallust's Histories. Livy probably derived his mid-republican pattern from Valerius Antias: it will have been an innovatory feature of his work, based on documentary research, especially in the archives of the senate. Assessment of Tacitus' handling of his annual narratives should take account of the wide range of models available to him within the annalistic tradition.

AN UNPARALLELED PARALLEL APPROACH: THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ROMULUS IN LIVY'S REPUBLICAN HISTORY

This dissertation explores the idea of Parallelism within Livy's presentation of the Life of Romulus, focusing on three liminal stages : The death of Remus, the rape of the Sabine women, and the death of Romulus. Focus is placed on a detailed comparitive analysis of the work of Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and of the surviving sources (largely fragmentary) which predate Livy's work. Once this is done, the aspects which only seem to apper in Livys work are analysed along side supplimentray modern scholarship on the chapter topics. The conclusions of this research indicate that one of the possible intentions of Livy in writing the early histroy of Rome was to create parallels to the events of his own time, specifically the Roman civil war. This is argued to have been undertaken with the aim of creating an understaning of how these events occured, what could have been done to prevent them form occuring, and the processes which contributed to the conclusion of the civil war.

Mulier est Urbis Confusio? —The Function of Rhea Silvia, Tarpeia, and Horatia as Exempla in Livy’s The Early History of Rome

2021

In The Early History of Rome, Livy focuses his narrative upon the moral, emphasizing it through the employment of several devices of literary art. Given that the Roman women Rhea Silvia, Tarpeia, and Horatia all form part of the colorful cycle of stories that make up the early growth and development of Rome, this paper explores how these women function as exempla and how Livy frames them in the broader context of his masterpiece. Livy uses these female exempla not in a factual record but rather in a masterpiece of moral instruction, with the women serving as exempla of a flexible or open kind. The study of history is the best medicine for a sick mind; for in history you have a record of the infinite variety of human experience plainly set out for all to see; and in that record you can find for yourself and your country both examples and warnings; fine things to take as models, base things, rotten through and through, to avoid. —Livy, The Early History of Rome, Preface Livy’s famous ...

Livy’s Camillus and the Augustan poetics of re-foundation

In the preface to his monumental history, Livy famously states that the beginnings of Rome are more suitable material for poetical treatment than for historical analysis. That turns out to be all but a typical Augustan recusatio, used by contemporary poets to avoid full-scale treatment of daring topics or to gracefully decline a commission. Rather than omitting Rome's earliest history as unsuitable for inclusion, Livy offered an intricately crafted analysis of the Romans' res gestae in his first five books, ab condita urbe Roma ad captam eandem (VI.1.1). Set between foundation and destruction, the scene of Rome's progression towards the light of history is encapsulated by two crucial figures: Romulus and M. Furius Camillus. The way Livy treats and portrays the latter is full of poetical reminiscences, linking Camillus to both Romulus, Rome's original founder, and Augustus, Rome's contemporary re-founder. While the connection between Romulus, Camillus and Augustus has long been noted, this talk sheds new light on the poetical motives and designs employed by Livy to make that connection into a cornerstone of his overarching literary architecture. It will be argued that, although not a poet, the historiographer masterfully employed the techniques of allusion and intertext - so well-known from contemporary poetry - to make a significant contribution to the 'poetics of re-foundation' in the Early Augustan Age.