Policy Brief: Transitioning from an Aid-Centered to a Development-Centered Assistance Model Helps Refugees and Host Communities and Enhances Their Resilience (original) (raw)

Policy Brief: The forced migration of people is first and foremost a humanitarian issue. However, large influx of displaced persons to neighboring countries with national political and developmental challenges calls for innovative measures that will assist the displaced population and their host communities through development approaches and will enhance their resilience against animosity and criminality. This policy brief examines the impact of the Syrian refugees on the host communities and the labor market in Lebanon. It also weighs the vulnerability of both communities in light of various threats including the security peril of the radical groups in the region. The brief is based on the results of fieldwork and research conducted in various regions in Lebanon between 2011 and 2014, as well as on monitoring the media both in Lebanon and in the region. The results of this research reveal that with the influx of the Syrian population into Lebanon, the country has received a huge number of low-wage, low- and semi-skilled laborers. This, combined with a slowdown of the economy caused by the conflict in Syria and exacerbated by political tensions and security challenges, has a) caused fierce competition for scarce low- and medium-skill jobs particularly in the informal sector; b) has driven wages down; and c) has put many Lebanese out of work. The abundant cheap labor seems to be to the mutual benefit of both Lebanese employers and Syrian employees, but severely undermines the position of the Lebanese workforce. While Syrian refugees were receiving aid assistance, affected host-communities in Lebanon were largely ignored; and while Syrian refugees were accepting below-average wages, host-communities were driven out of the labor market and poorer Lebanese were pushed into insolvency. Consequently, resentment toward the Syrian refugees among members of the host-communities has been rising and leading to social antagonism. The Lebanese on the whole have been hospitable to the Syrian refugees, sympathizing with their plight. However, the protracted crisis in Syria and the downturn of the economy in Lebanon, combined with security threats, has had a tremendous impact on the country, the Lebanese host communities, and the refugees themselves. The majority of the Lebanese who took part in this research indicated their support for a) revoking the “open door policy”; b) establishing UN refugee camps in safe areas inside Syria or on the Syrian-Lebanese borders; c) applying the rules on the employment of foreigners to the Syrian refugee workforce in Lebanon; d) settling Syrian refugees in countries with less population density than Lebanon, whether in the Gulf region or in Western countries; e) finding alternative routes and markets for Lebanese goods; and f) finding sources of funds to assist Lebanon in this heavy burden that is beyond its capacity. This brief suggests that, now that the initial emergency-level services are completed and the Syrian population in Lebanon is stabilized, post-emergency refugee programs should be devised and implemented. The brief posits that a transition from aid-centered to development-centered programs is urgently needed to a) help both refugees and host communities; b) benefit from the abundance of labor; c) engage the host country in socio-economic development that would compensate for the cost of caring for the displaced; and d) enhance the resilience of both refugees and hosts against animosity and criminality. Host governments resist development approaches to dealing with the refugees for fear of reducing the intent to repatriate or resettle. I join Konyndyk in his position that “economic integration is unlikely to be a greater incentive to stay in the country of asylum than the provision of completely free food, health care, and education.”