Should Nora Leave the Iron House? Revolution and Individual Action in a Collectivist Society Based on Constant Change, 2011, Revista de Estudos Chineses 7 (original) (raw)

The 20th century in China was marked by struggles to implement social changes that would on one hand enable the state to reinforce its national, political and economic strength, while on the other hand bridge the gap between Western modernity and Chinese tradition. A large role in the quest for a modern China was played by Chinese intellectuals after the Revolution of 1911, namely the May Fourth Movement which included both Mainland and overseas communities. The social revolution was followed by literary movements which embodied the rise of individual intellectual consciousness. One of the main concerns of the authors was whether there is any use in attempting a revolution or individual political engagement in a society which is based on a strong collectivist tradition and an ideology that presupposes constant change. A logical step in dealing with this issue was rejecting all tradition and adopting either completely new ideologies, or ideas from the West. However, any social change, although based on individual action, would have to be implemented onto the nation as a whole, which meant that it could only be grafted onto the existing worldview. Also, the intellectuals were aware that completely rejecting the past might weaken the state’s national strength. This meant that modern individuality and revolution had to be considered in light of the traditional view on society and change. In this paper we consider the use of literature as a vessel for social change in China between the two World Wars. Through the interpretation of Western ideas, literature and characters in Chinese writing, we examine the way authors attempted to balance the Western individualist ideals with the Chinese collectivist ideology. We focus on essays and literary works written by prominent Chinese intellectuals in their attempt to find the best possible way to raise awareness for the need for social change. We explore the methods used to convey social issues, while also discussing the actual value and effect of writing as a mode of instigating social change through individual action. The interpretation of Western theories and concepts in the Chinese context is also considered, especially the application of the Western idea of female emancipation onto the idea of the general liberation of individualism. The results of these intellectuals’ struggles are interpreted in the context of the formation of modern individuality in China, which represents an exemplary model of a Western notion with Chinese characteristics – an approach that was later used for the adoption of other ideas and ideologies from the West.

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The People in the Modern Chinese Novel: Popular Democracy and World Literature

NOVEL A Forum on Fiction

During his tenure in the Lu Xun Academy in Yan'an, the center of the Chinese Revolution, the novelist Zhou Libo ran a seminar on world literature. While teaching masterpieces of European novelists, Zhou developed a theory of the novel that inherited themes of liberal humanism and appropriated them for a burgeoning revolutionary culture. In his teaching notes, Zhou upholds the people as the transformative engine for social progress: they are authors of their own culture, the political subjects of popular democracy, and in solidarity with the working classes of the world. This essay considers Zhou's theory of fiction as part of the transition from the old democratic revolution led by the Chinese bourgeoisie to the new democratic cultural initiative carried out by the enlightened intelligentsia and progressive working people. Can the modern Chinese novel be associated with democracy? This question calls for a reconsideration of the relation between liberal humanism and the Chinese Revolution-one that can open up a new perspective on China's revolutionary culture in an international context. Critics have noted affinities between Antonio Gramsci's humanism and revolutionary political culture (Dirlik). But joining humanism-readily evocative of ''universal,'' ''bourgeois,'' and ''Western''-with the Chinese Revolution may seem to attach a national movement to a universal narrative. The conventional view of the Chinese Revolution has centered on the peasantry as its agents and the countryside as its social basis. The entrenched urban and rural divide marks the revolutionary cultural formation as national and rural, moored in a millennia-long agrarian tradition and lifeworld. In contrast, the urban is frequently viewed as cosmopolitan and progressive, the public sphere, a hub of enlightenment and democratic values. Thus liberal humanism is associated with the city-based May Fourth culture carried by modern, Western-educated intellectuals, whereas the Chinese Revolution cut itself off from whatever was left of the earlier stirrings of urban, cosmopolitan humanism. 1 A closer look at the literary culture of the revolutionary reveals that, to the contrary, the leaders and intellectuals of the Cultural Revolution took liberal humanist and democratic ideas seriously and blended them into rural culture. The 1 May Fourth culture refers to the movement that started as a protest on May 4, 1919, by college students in Peking against the transfer of sovereignty and economic assets in Shandong Province from Germany to Japan at the Paris Peace conference in Versailles. The protest, initiated by the educated strata, quickly spread to other cities and raged for ten years as a cultural movement. The movement critiqued traditional Chinese culture and resisted imperialism and colonialism, and its modern, democratic character stemmed from the absorbed values of democracy, science, and enlightenment from the West. It was generally regarded as pivotal to modern Chinese culture and politics. Chinese revolutionaries and socialists claim May Fourth as their formative experience.

iChina: The rise of the individual in modern Chinese society

2010

Explores the growing individualization permeating all areas of Chinese social, economic and political life. In spite of the intense preoccupation with individual and self in modern Western thought, the social sciences have tended to focus on groups and collectives and downplay (even disregard) the individual. This implicit view has also coloured the study of social life in China where both Confucian ethics and Communist policies have shaped collective structures with little room for individual agency and choice. What is actually happening, however, is a growing individualization of China – not only changing perceptions of the individual but also rising expectations for individual freedom, choice and individuality. The individual has also become a basic social category in China, and a development has begun that permeates all areas of social, economic and political life. How this process evolves in a state and society lacking two of the defining characteristics of European individualization – a culturally embedded democracy and a welfare system – is one of the questions that the volume explores. A strength of this volume is that its authors succeed in depicting the individualization process in conceptually acute and empirically sensitive terms, and as something with its own distinctively Chinese profile. That makes this book a ‘must read’ for all those wanting to understand present-day Chinese society, with all of its ambivalences, contingencies and contradictions. Moreover, the volume makes an essential contribution to the current debate in sociology about how the meaning of ‘modernity’ should be conceptualized and redefined from a cosmopolitan perspective.

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