NEW IMMIGRANT GEOGRAPHIES OF UNITED STATES METROPOLITAN AREAS* (original) (raw)
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American Sociological Review, 2002
The major post-1965 immigrant groups have established distinctive settlement areas in many American cities and suburbs. This study examines the residential patterns of several of the largest groups in New York and Los Angeles. It addresses three kinds of questions: To what degree do they settle together with other members of the same group? What are their ethnic neighborhoods like? And what are the distinguishing characteristics of those group members who live in neighborhoods of ethnic concentration compared to those who reside outside these areas? The results show that the model of immigrant enclaves, where initial settlement areas
Changing Colours: Spatial Assimilation and New Racial Minority Immigrants
The Canadian Journal of Sociology, 2004
The social complexion of Canadian cities have been irreversibly altered since the 1960s as new waves of visible minority immigrants have replaced traditional white, European, migrant flows. For Canada and other nations with little prior history of "racial" diversity, this development raises the prospect of racialized urban ghettoes along American lines. We address this question with "locational attainment" models estimated with census micro-data for Toronto, the only Canadian city with a large black population. Unlike previous studies, we conclude that residential settlement patterns among Blacks and South Asians, like those of recent non-English speaking white immigrants, conform rather well to the immigrant enclave model associated with conventional spatial assimilation theory. As anticipated by Logan, Alba and Zhang, however, early success in the housing market among Chinese immigrants is associated with the formation of more enduring ethnic communities.
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Urban Geography, 2005
This study examines the ethnic geography of a new immigrant gateway, Washington, DC. According to Census 2000, more than 832,000 foreign-born individuals reside in the Washington metropolitan region. This research uses Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) data in an effort to map the residential decisions of immigrant newcomers by zip code from 1990 to 1998. Spatially, a very diverse, dispersed, and suburbanized pattern of newcomer settlement emerges, a pattern that contradicts many of the assumptions of the spatial assimilation model. Whereas the overall pattern is one of dispersion, an analysis of country-of-origin groups results in a settlement continuum ranging from concentrated (Vietnamese) to highly dispersed (Indians). Current research in Washington suggests that a pattern of heterolocalism (community without propinquity) may be a better model for understanding the role of immigrant settlement patterns and networks. [Key words: immigrant gateway, spatial assimilation, heterolocalism, immigrant settlement, Washington, DC.] During the past four decades, the "fourth wave" of immigration to the United States had a dramatic impact on the demographic dynamics and ethnic composition of many major metropolitan areas, including the nation's capital. The search for an understanding of the demographic composition and spatial distribution of immigrants in such major metropolitan gateways as New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Miami has produced a substantial and impressive body of literature (e.
Exploring Recent Trends in Immigrant Suburbanization
Central cities historically have been viewed as "ports of entry" welcoming new immigrants to the United States. Beginning in the 1970s, new immigrants began to settle in areas outside traditional ports of entry as economic opportunities moved to the suburbs and new suburban immigrant enclaves emerged. By the end of the 20th century, foreign-born suburbanites outnumbered foreign-born central city residents. This article relies on microdata from the U.S. Current Population Survey to identify the determinants of suburban location choice among foreign-born U.S. residents. The analysis includes a variety of controls for household-level socioeconomic characteristics, metropolitan area characteristics, and country of origin. Graphs displaying trends in suburbanization and location choice among U.S. immigrants, along with logit regression models of suburban destination, suggest that recent waves of foreign-born immigrants choose residential locations in conformance with spatial as...
2000
The mainstream account of globalization tends to take for granted the spatial dispersal of economic activities and the increased mobility and internationalization of capital, technology, and labor. Indeed, the very existence of a global economic system is viewed as a function of the power of transnational corporations and communications to operate across time and space. Yet, as Sassen argues, many of the resources necessary for global economic activities are not hypermobile at all and are, on the contrary, embedded in place. They are contingent on fixed structures at the national and local level, such as material and technological infrastructure, local work and political culture, as well as policies that promote, rather than hinder, the expansion of the global economy. Such overlap and interaction between the global, national, and local reshapes the spatiotemporal landscape of globalization and reinforces the importance of specific geographic locales in the process.
The Changing Neighborhood Contexts of the Immigrant Metropolis
Social Forces, 2000
To understand theimpacts of large-scale immigration on neighborhood contexts, we employ locational-attainment models, in which two characteristics ofa neighborhood, itsaverage household income andthemajority group's percentage among itsresidents, are taken as the dependent variables and a number of individual and household characteristics, such asrace/ethnicity and household composition, form thevector of independent variables. Models are estimated separately for major racial/ethnic populationswhites, blacks, Asians, and Latinosin five different metropolitan regions of immigrant concentration -Chicago, Los Angeles, Miami, New York, and San Francisco. In thecross section, thefindings largely uphold thewell-known model of spatial assimilation, in that socioeconomic status, assimilation level, and suburban residence are all strongly linked toresidence in neighborhoods displaying greater affluence andwithagreater number of non-Hispanic whites. when theresults are considered longitudinally, by comparing them with previously estimated models for 1980, the consistency with spatial-assimilation theory is no longer so striking. The impact of immigration isevident in thechanging racial/ethnic composition of theneighborhoods ofallgroups, but especially for those where Asians andLatinos reside.
Where We Live Now: Immigration and Race in the United States
of the contributors. The authors and contributors do wish to see voluntary carbon markets succeed, but they are very frank about this position. Bayon et al's book is an excellent resource for scholars seeking to do research on voluntary carbon markets. While not profoundly scholarly, the book is very readable and includes a wealth of general information that will be useful to professional and academic readers alike. For understanding the broad terrain of voluntary carbon markets, and as a practical resource guide, this is assuredly one of the best books currently available. While students may glean some useful theoretical information from this book in a classroom context, it is recommended for readers specifically interested in voluntary carbon markets. This book would be a good companion text for an undergraduate course on residential segregation, immigrant adaptation, or urban studies more generally. John Iceland probes the enduring question of residential segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas, and examines whether (and to what extent) contemporary immigration is shaping patterns of racial and ethnic integration. The author presents evidence that boundaries between some racial and ethnic groups are " blurring, " at least in part because of immigration, particularly between Whites and Blacks. Still, he is cautiously optimistic that residential segregation for ethnic groups is declining and that immigrants are integrating into U.S. neighborhoods. He warns that, even if it is improving , immigrant spatial assimilation in urban neighborhoods is not a given—especially for low-skilled Mexican immigrants. John Iceland quickly brings readers up to speed on technical details and the academic debate surrounding immigrant integration. He presents a concise history of racial segregation in the U.S. and leaves many of the technical details of segregation analysis in the Appendix for more advanced readers. He also lays out three principal theoretical frameworks for understanding the processes of immigrant adaptation, and revisits them throughout his empirical analysis to check their validity. After introducing the goals and structure of the book in the opening chapter, Iceland shifts in Chapter Two to an historical overview of immigrant settlement patterns and theories of immigrant spatial incorporation. He presents three dominant theories and highlights the spatial dimension of each: spatial assimilation, ethnic disadvantage, and segmented assimilation. He provides a balanced view of each theory, and attends to how they have developed in response to shifting perceptions of pluralism and patterns of racial exclusion in the U.S. He offers each theory as a possible theoretical lens for understanding residential settlement patterns today, and clarifies that all three are empirically and conceptually contested in his data analysis.