The Quality of Life in the Chicago Collar Counties: Work, Family, and Well-Being (original) (raw)
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Chronic Stress and Social Changes: Socioeconomic Determination of Chronic Stress
Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 2007
In the last decades in the transforming societies of Central and Eastern Europe, premature mortality increased dramatically, especially among men. Increasing disparities in socioeconomic conditions have been accompanied by a widening socioeconomic gradient in mortality among men. Social cohesion and meaning in life may help to counterbalance the widening gap in material circumstances. Not the difficult social situation in itself, but the subjective experience of relative disadvantage, the prolonged negative emotional state, that is, chronic stress seems to be the most important risk factor. The health consequences of a low socioeconomic situation among men might be mostly explained by chronic stress caused by work and close-partner-related factors, and the toxic components of this interaction are depression and hopelessness. In the case of women, the broader personal and family relations are the most important health-related factors. Weekend workload, low social support at work and low control at work accounted for a large part of variation in male premature cardiovascular mortality rates, whereas job insecurity, high weekend workload, and low control at work contribute most markedly to variations in premature cardiovascular mortality rates among women. There are two general approaches that scientists and practitioners might take: train individuals and groups to use skills that will enable them to cope better with the stressful conditions that are damaging their health; and lobby governments to adopt policies that will result in decreased chronic stress on the societal level.
Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 2004
This study examines the interconnections among education—as a proxy for socioeconomic status—stress, and physical and mental health by specifying differential exposure and vulnerability models using data from The National Study of Daily Experiences (N = 1,031). These daily diary data allowed assessment of the social distribution of a qualitatively different type of stressor than has previously been examined in sociological stress research—daily stressors, or hassles. Moreover, these data allowed a less biased assessment of stress exposure and a more micro-level examination of the connections between stress and health by socioeconomic status. Consistent with the broad literature describing socioeconomic inequalities in physical and mental health, the results of this study indicated that, on any given day, better-educated adults reported fewer physical symptoms and less psychological distress. Although better educated individuals reported more daily stressors, stressors reported by th...
2012
Psychological stress was assessed in 3 national surveys administered in 1983, 2006, and 2009. In all 3 surveys, stress was higher among women than men; and increased with decreasing age, education, and income. Unemployed persons reported high levels of stress, while the retired reported low levels. All associations were independent of one another and of race/ethnicity. Although minorities generally reported more stress than Whites, these differences lost significance when adjusted for the other demographics.
Health & Place, 2010
Most studies of the predictors of stress focus on individual characteristics. Linking multiple contextual data sources to an individual-level health survey, we explore the associations of both built and social environment determinants with self-rated stress. At the individual level few social factors were significant predictors, although neighborhood trust and food insecurity have independent effects on stress. At the neighborhood level,
Journal of Urban Health, 2008
As the body of evidence linking disparities in the health of urban residents to disparate social, economic and environmental contexts grows, efforts to delineate the pathways through which broader social and economic inequalities influence health have burgeoned. One hypothesized pathway connects economic and racial and ethnic inequalities to differentials in stress associated with social and physical environments, with subsequent implications for health. Drawing on data from Detroit, Michigan, we examined contributions of neighborhood-level characteristics (e.g., poverty rate, racial and ethnic composition, residential stability) and individual-level characteristics (e.g., age, gender) to perceived social and physical environmental stress. We found that neighborhood percent African American was positively associated with perceptions of both social and physical environmental stress; neighborhood percent poverty and percent Latino were positively associated with perceived physical environmental stress; and neighborhood residential stability was negatively associated with perceived social environmental stress. At the individual level, whites perceived higher levels of both social and physical environmental stress compared to African American residents of the same block groups, after accounting for other variables included in the models. Our findings suggest the importance of understanding and addressing contributions of neighborhood structural characteristics to perceptions of neighborhood stress. The consistency of the finding that neighborhood racial composition and individual-level race influence perceptions of both social and physical environments suggests the continuing importance of understanding the role played by structural conditions and by personal and collective histories that vary systematically by race and ethnicity within the United States.