The Correlation between Race and Domestic Violence is Confounded with Community Context (original) (raw)
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Public Health Reports, 2003
Objectives. The purpose of this study was to examine the contribution of neighborhood socioeconomic conditions to risk of police-reported domestic violence in relation to victim's race. Data on race came from police forms legally mandated for the reporting of domestic violence and sexual assault. Methods. Using 1990 U.S. census block group data and data for the years 1996-1998 from Rhode Island's domestic violence surveillance system, the authors generated annual and relative risk of police-reported domestic violence and estimates of trends stratified by age, race (black, Hispanic, or white), and neighborhood measures of socioeconomic conditions. Race-specific linear regression models were constructed with average annual risk of police-reported domestic violence as the dependent variable.
Race, socioeconomic status, and domestic homicide, Atlanta, 1971-72
American Journal of Public Health, 1984
It has been assumed that, under comparable socioeconomic conditions, Blacks are more likely than Whites to commit violent acts. To test this assumption, 222 intra-racial domestic homicides (186 Black and 36 White victims) committed in Atlanta, 1971-1972, were subjected to analysis. A domestic homicide was defined as a criminal homicide committed in a residence by a relative or acquaintance of the victim. When Black and White populations were unmatched, the relative risk of intra-racial domestic homicide in Black populations was 5.8 (95 per cent C.
Race, economic inequality, and violent crime
Journal of Criminal Justice, 2006
The current study used data drawn from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) and the census to investigate the relationship between indicators of interracial and intraracial economic inequality and violent crime rates, including White-on-Black, White-on-White, Black-on-White, and Black-on-Black offenses. Multivariate regression results for ninety-one cities showed that while total inequality and intraracial inequality had no significant association with offending rates, interracial inequality was a strong predictor of the overall violent crime rate and the Black-on-Black crime rate. Overall, these results were interpreted as consistent with J.R. relative deprivation thesis, with secondary support for P.M. macrostructural theory of intergroup relations. The findings also helped to clarify the unresolved theoretical issue regarding which reference group was most important in triggering relative deprivation among Blacks. It appeared that prior studies were unable to find support for the relative deprivation thesis for Black crime rates because of data and methodological limitations.
Race, Poverty, and the Crime-Centered Response to Domestic Violence
Violence Against Women, 2004
Linda Mills (2003) criticizes our current crime-centered approach to domestic violence. I share her concern that this approach is harmful for women (or at least, for some women). I disagree, however, with Mills's analysis and with the reform proposal that flows from that analysis. As I describe in this essay, Mills focuses mostly on psychological harms rather than material and social conditions. The result is to diminish the importance of power in understanding the phenomenon of domestic violence, the political position of the battered women's movement, and the design of an appropriate response. THE RISKS ASSOCIATED WITH CRIME-CENTERED RESPONSES Before turning to Mills's (2003) work, it is useful to examine what I believe are the most important criticisms of our current crime-centered approach to domestic violence. A number of activists and scholars have criticized the "massive over-reliance on criminal strategies by advocates for battered women"
Criminology, 1999
This research examines the differential effects of structural conditions on race-specific victim and offender homicide rates in large U S . cities in 1990. While structural theories of race relations and criminological explanations are reviewed, particular attention is given to those structural theories that highlight racial competition, economic and labor market opportunity, and racial segregation as essential for an examination of racially disaggregated homicide offending. The effects of these and other structural conditions are estimated for four racially distinct homicide offending models-black intraracial, white intraracial, black interracial, and white interracial homicides. The results suggest that the structural conditions that lead to race-specific victim and offender homicide rates differ significantly among the four models. Economic deprivation and local opportunity structures are found to influence significantly the rates of intraracial homicide offending, while racial inequality contributes solely to black interracial homicide rates. In addition, our findings indicate that blacks and whites face different economic and social realities related to economic deprivation and social isolation. The differential impact of these structural conditions and other labor market factors are discussed.
Objectives: We draw upon theories of social disorganization, strain, and subculture of violence to examine how sex and race/ethnicity intersect to inform nonlethal violent offending at the macrolevel. Methods: Using neighborhood-level incidents, we examine (1) the structural correlates of male and female nonlethal violence and (2) whether ecological conditions have variable impacts on the prevalence of White, Black, and Latino male and female offenses above and beyond differential exposure to disadvantage. We use multivariate negative binomial regression within a structural equation modeling framework which allows for the examination of the same set of indicator variables on more than one dependent variable simultaneously while accounting for covariance between the dependent /home/jrc variables. Results: We find few significant differences in the salience of disadvantage on female and male violence across race and ethnicity although some differences emerge for White men and women. Structural factors are largely sex invariant within race and ethnicity. Conclusions: Despite expectations that disadvantage would have differential effects across sex and race/ ethnicity, we uncover only minor differences. This suggests that structural effects are more invariant than variant across subgroups and highlights the importance of investigating both similarities and differences when examining neighborhood structure, intersectionality, and criminal behavior.
A large literature shows that violence against women in intimate relationships varies across racial/ethnic groups. However, it is unclear whether such variations differ across urban, suburban, and rural areas. The main objective of this article is to examine this issue using 1992 to 2009 National Crime Victimization Survey data. We also test the hypothesis that racial/ethnic minority women living in rural areas are more likely to be assaulted by their current and former intimate partners than are their urban and suburban counterparts. Contrary to expectations, results indicated virtually no differences in the rates at which urban, suburban, and rural racial/ethnic minority females were victims of intimate violence. The results indicate the great need of additional research into this important topic.
Justice Research and Policy, 2007
In the 1980s, some scholars suggested black violent offenders had a "propensity" to select white victims. Subsequent research demonstrated, however, that violent offenders tend to victimize intraracially. One weakness of this research was its reliance on national-level data. Using national-level estimates to calculate expected values of interracial offending implicitly assumes people have access to each other across the nation. Segregation patterns suggest otherwise. This study examines whether the propensity of violent offenders to select victims intraracially holds up if expected values are calculated locally. Findings indicate that violent offenders do tend to select victims intraracially at the local level, but that the intraracial character of violent offending varies by crime, offender race, and locale. For most cities in the analysis, assault is predominantly intraracial across offense/offender categories. For a few cities, however, criminal assault is less intraracial than expected (with white offenders victimizing interracially more than random selection would predict).
Attending to the Role of Race/Ethnicity in Family Violence Research
Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2007
Since the 1970s, researchers and public health and/or social policy communities have devoted increasing attention to family violence. Although officially reported crime figures for family violence appear to be declining, rates continue to be high in broadly defined racial and/or ethnic minority groups. More careful assessments of the potential role of race/ethnicity in family violence, and similarities and differences occurring across and within groups categorized based on race/ethnicity, are essential if adequate interventions are to be developed and utilized. This article provides suggestions on conducting better studies on family violence in the United States, particularly with respect to issues of race/ethnicity. The authors begin by considering conceptions and definitions of race/ethnicity and providing a broad definition of family violence. They then suggest issues for consideration at each stage of the research process, from reviewing previous research, to making methodological decisions, selecting samples, choosing measures, and analyzing and interpreting findings.
Social Science Research, 2013
Researchers tend to capture the multiple disadvantages facing urban areas by using an allencompassing disadvantage index, which combines poverty, joblessness and other economic predictors into a single index. While the use of this index is important for conceptual and methodological reasons, questions remain about whether these city characteristics differ in magnitude and significance when influencing race-specific homicide rates and whether or not there effects exhibit stability or vary over time? This article examines how discrete measures of disadvantage differ in their importance for race-specific groups over three critical time points : 1980, 1990, and 2000. After accounting for problems associated with statistical inferences, cross sectional, Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) analyses reveal that family disruption and poverty status were among the strongest predictors of race-specific homicide rates. Wald tests for the equality of coefficients confirmed significant differences in the influence of many discrete measures of disadvantage for white and black males, but the number of differences declined from 1980 and into the 2000s. That is, along with the crime drop, our research reveals increasing racial parity in structural predictors over time.