'Why Post-imperial Trumps Post-socialist. Crying Back the National Past in Hungary' in Olivia Angé and David Berliner (eds.), Anthropology and Nostalgia. New York and Oxford: Berghahn, pp. 96-122. (original) (raw)

The Politics of Memory in the “Long” Twentieth Century: The Hungarian Case in a European Comparative Perspective

Over the last hundred and fifty years, Hungarian memory politics has oscillated between the poles of martyrdom and victimhood, between cultivation of revolutionary traditions and the rituals of national mourning. As part of the nation-building process, national historiography and the politics of history everywhere often provide well-developed narrations to justify current commemoration practices. Is Hungary unique in this respect? Did it lose its European orientation, as the great Hungarian poet Endre Ady asked in 1913? Through an analysis of current debates about the major events of twentieth-century Hungarian history and its representations in social memory, my talk will describe this pendulum effect of Hungarian memory politics. It will also explore the transformation of the “culture of defeat” into the culture of victimhood from the First World War to the post-Communist period in a European comparative perspective.

Cultural War and Reinventing the Past in Poland and Hungary: The Politics of Historical Memory in East–Central Europe

Polish Political Science Yearbook, 2016

This paper has been based on three assumptions that have been widely discussed in the international political science: (1) there has been a decline of democracy in East–Central Europe (ECE) with the emergence of “velvet dictatorships”, (2) the velvet dictatorships rely on the soft power of media and communication rather on the hard power of state violence that has provoked “cultural wars“ and (3) the basic turning point is the transition from the former modernization narrative to the traditional narrative with “reinventing the past” and “reconceptualising modernity” through the reference to the historically given collective national identity by launching the “politics of historical memory”. The velvet dictatorships have been using and abusing the national history as an ideological drug to consolidate their power. The (social and national) populism and Euroscepticism are the basic twin terms to describe the soft power of the new (semi)authoritarian regimes. They are convertible, the ...

Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz's Politics of Memory

Journal of Nationalism Memory & Language Politics, 2017

Since the 2010 elections, the current Hungarian government has proven to be a very active and restless "memory warrior" (Bernard and Kubik 2014). The ruling party, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz, shows both a neat understanding of national history and the ability to transmit it by the adoption of different tools. This politics of memory is instrumental in granting the government political legitimacy. By ruling out oppositional actors and their historical narratives from the public sphere, Fidesz presents itself as the primary champion of Hungarian national sovereignty. Hungarians is, then, portrayed as a nation that has long suffered from the yoke of external oppression in which the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, the Soviets and eventually the Europeans figure as the enemies of the Hungarians. Specific collective memories, including the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Nazi occupation (1944-5) and socialist period (1948-90), are targeted so as to enact a sense of national belonging and pride, as well as resentment against foreigners. Moreover, in its rejection of the pluralism of memories and yearn for the homogenization of national history by marginalizing unfitting elements, this politics of memory is consistent with the System of National Cooperation (Batory 2016) that Fidesz's administration has tried to establish in Hungary. This paper carries out an in-depth analysis of Fidesz's multilayered politics of memory by investigating both its internal and external dimensions separately. In the final section, conclusions are drawn up to summarize its key tenets. Official speeches, legislative acts, and four interviews with key historians of Hungary have been used as sources.

The greatest catastrophe of (post-)colonial Central Europe? The 100th years anniversary of Trianon and official politics of memory in Hungary

Rocznik Instytutu Europy Srodkowo-Wschodniej, 2020

The Treaty of Trianon (hereinafter Trianon), the enormous losses of territory and co-ethnics, and the shaking of Hungary’s status as a dominant power in the Carpathian Basin imputed a tragic understanding of contemporary Hungarian history on the Hungarian society, invoking the idea of a trauma lasting even today. Trianon’s understanding became a divisive issue for political parties after 1989, highlighting the ever-deeper divisions between right and left-liberals, since 2010. Its “overcoming” is a flagship project of the government’s politics of identity, with modest success so far. Thus, the 100th anniversary was a crucial moment as a test case for a self-professed nationalist, traditionalist, conservative political force for manifesting a comprehensive politics of memory. In the light of the newly built monument at the heart of Budapest, with the Hungarian names of all localities on the territory of pre-1918 Hungary inscribed on its wall, a cautious shifting back to territorial revisionism was expected. In this article, I will argue that even with such tendencies being, obviously, present, the official commemorations were crafted with a surprising message, that attempts to turn the canonical understanding of Trianon upside down and reframe it into a common catastrophe of Central Europe. Doing so places the consequences in the context of the decolonization of history, the present decline of empires, and the emergence of nation-states while combining it with important tropes of the traditional, anti-liberal and revisionist Trianon discourse. Nevertheless, the result is a transparently political message that is not only driven by easily visible actual political goals (V4 and Central European cooperation), but one that detaches the politics of memory from historical references and legacies and creates a set of shallow symbols for utter instrumentalization, to recombine at will, in a vulgarised sense of post-modernism.

Nation and Democracy after the Catastrophe: conceptions of political community and the discourses on the past in early post-war Hungary

The paper discusses the discursive mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion behind the attempts to (re)construct the Hungarian political community in the immediate aftermath of WW2. It is based on the analysis of statements of Hungarian intellectuals in the public sphere, appeared mainly as press articles and book chapters. The argument is centred around the two most important concepts of political community at the time, nation and democracy. After the end of the war in Hungary, the problem of democracy was at the core in public debates on reconstruction, conceived as a national task. According to the historical-temporal structure of the idea of reconstruction, completing democracy through revolutionary social change appeared as a collective struggle against the remnants of the previous regime, both in material and in ideological sense. Redrawing the boundaries of the nation pertained to the relations between nations, driven by the urge of distancing from the former regime and of acquiring the acknowledgement of the world’s nations. Hence the public discussed the inclusion of Hungarian Jews and the exclusion of Hungarian Germans. The question of democracy turned out to be more relevant in drawing the boundaries of the political community. Through the discourse on democracy, different social forces struggled for the re-construction of demos, the subject of political governance. Main characteristics of the discourse on democracy were the lack of a commonly shared normative basis and its revolutionary potential to eliminate the presence of the past. The exclusion from demos was mainly realised through the categories of “fascist” and “reactionist” both representing the presence of the past as barriers before the complete development of democracy. The chapter argues that the general and necessary application of drawing boundaries of the political community, especially through the category of reaction, made the young Hungarian democracy extremely vulnerable to the communist party’s tactics of applying the categories of exclusion against its political partners.