The United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) (original) (raw)
This paper presents an alternative narrative of the Cambodian peace process and the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) based on Arturo Escobar’s theory of development, which defines development as a colonial discourse and practice, which sought to impose supposedly superior Western values, science and technology on the non-Western world. In the same way, the peace process and UNTAC can be described as a mission civilisatrice that underestimated the West’s role in causing the conflict in the first place while the attempt at conflict resolution is marked by an overestimation of the West’s ability as well as insufficient self-criticism and attention to the actual political, economic and social conditions in Cambodia.
UNTAC in Cambodia: A New Model for Humanitarian Aid in Failed States?
Development and Change, 2002
This article examines the impact of humanitarian aid on conflict, focusing especially on two main issues: the usefulness of a political economy approach in analysing the impact of international humanitarian aid on conflict dynamics; and the way that humanitarian aid organizations confront some of the major policy dilemmas inherent in working with failed states, such as military protection, aid conditionality, and neutrality. After a discussion of these issues, a case study is presented which compares the nature of humanitarian aid in Cambodia over two time periods, with the intention of illuminating alternative models that have been utilized by the international community in responding to state failure with humanitarian aid.
Democratization, 2008
This article compares democratization under the aegis of the United Nations in Cambodia and East Timor. The analysis points to the inherent contradictions and problems of democratization in post-conflict situations and discusses the difficult issue of timing. It draws four generalized conclusions about democratization through international interim governments in post-conflict societies. First, UN-led interim governments can provide a solution to the problems of civil strife, insecurity, and political instability in disrupted states. Second, democratization through international interim governments in civil-war countries can be successful if the transitional authority is able to maintain a stable 'hurting balance of power' and to guarantee the parties' compliance with democratic procedures. Third, international interim regimes like UNTAC are designed on the premise that reconciliation among the domestic parties is possible. If the premise turns out to be inaccurate, the very foundation of the peace process is challenged and it will be almost impossible successfully to adjust the interim government's institutional structure. Fourth, the cases of Cambodia and East Timor demonstrate that democratization must be embedded in a comprehensive agenda of political, social, and economic methods of peace-building. If interim governments end before the roots of democracy are deep enough and before democratic institutions are strong enough to stand alone, then the entire endeavour may fail.
T he collapse of entire societies as a result of internal conflict, often characterized in the post-cold-war period by ethnic hostilities and by long suppressed cultural, political, and religious divisions, has placed an unprecedented burden on the peace-making and peace keeping roles of the United Nations. In many instances --Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda, and Haiti have had, perhaps, the highest profiles --the UN has had to struggle to define not only an appropriate response to the humanitarian crisis, but also an effective method of intervention. How to stanch the bleeding, begin the healing process, and establish conditions for political stability once the international forces have left, is a daunting problem that has met with only partial success.
Evaluating peace operations: The case of Cambodia
This article applies Diehl and Druckman's evaluative framework to the case of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC, 1992(UNTAC, -1993, finding it to be of high utility in analyzing the record of this operation. By directing the analyst to evaluate discreet objectives within three goal categories, Diehl and Druckman encourage the disaggregated evaluation that, I argue, holds most value for scholars and practitioners seeking to explain the outcomes of peace operations. In particular, this approach requires that the underlying purposes and normative agendas that always color evaluation be explicitly addressed. The article finds that UNTAC was a partial success and, more importantly, suggests a number of refinements to strengthen Diehl and Druckman's framework. First, it recommends greater analysis of the relationship between a peace operation's roles of action and reaction. Second, the case of UNTAC demonstrates the need for time-series evaluation to be based on sufficiently regular measurement if it is to capture very short-term patterns of conflict, such as wet-and dry-season violence cycles. Finally, the article questions the appropriateness of including 'good relations with the local population' as a dependent variable to be evaluated, recommending instead that such outcomes be considered by assessing the social costs of peace operations to host societies.
Critically assess the UN’s peacekeeping operations since the end of the Cold War.
The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations were introduced in 1948 after turmoil in the Middle East. Since then, peacekeeping has matured and evolved in order to try to provide stability and security around the world. Many challenges and missions have crossed the path of UN peacekeeping operations, which consequently brought a great forum of discussion between the pro-peacekeeping advocates and the groups that critique it. This essay argues that UN peacekeeping operations are difficult to justify, and need a reform in order to meet the needs for 21st century security threats in order to guaranty a sustainable peace. It needs to be emphasized that peacekeeping was and still is unique in its features as each mission is different and has its individual areas of issues and successes. Thus, it is advised to look at peacekeeping as a toolbox that provides specific solutions for specific issues, rather than a complete practice that fits all. This diversity creates gaps and leads to criticism that this paper will address. Since the post Cold War, UN peacekeeping operations (UN PKO, also known as DPKO, UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations) have evolved from their initial purpose of “facilitate[ing] ‘liberal international relations’ whereby states resolve their differences through open diplomacy… [to a] concept [that acknowledges that] violent conflict is related to illiberal governance” (Bellamy, 2004: 151). This paper acknowledges that UN PKO, or a similar body of reaction and protection is necessary. In order to lay fundamental grounds to this study, this essay will trace the emergence and development of peacekeeping in the context of the UN. It is important to discuss the UN in great details, as it is the driving vehicle that makes peacekeeping what it is. It sets the ground rules of conduct and gives its legitimacy. Second, realist, and neo institutionalism ideology on its course of actions will further deepen the understanding of the concept of peacekeeping. It will look at three stages of peacekeeping: the 1990s, period of trial and error with the example of Somalia, then the 2000s, dominated by Iraq and Afghanistan, and the 2010s and the first mandate of the use of force strategically in DRC. It needs to be said that Iraq and Afghanistan were not UN peacekeeping missions. However, for this study it is crucial to include them, because these conflicts were decisive in the re-evaluation of UN PKO structure. Therefore, this essay will show through these examples that peacekeeping since its initial mandate is weak, unclear, and becomes difficult to justify due to the changing nature of warfare. This essay also aims to clarify the concept of governance because the main features of traditional peacekeeping were engraved in the notion of liberal international relations through open diplomacy to illiberal governance within conflict. Third, this paper will look at US policy for peacekeeping such as the Clinton policy review and the brief example of Guatemala. This will demonstrate that governmental willingness and cooperation remains a vital part in the whole process of peacekeeping. Despite good intentions and efforts to make it work, UN PKO do not provide a balanced account of power between stronger and stable states against weaker and destabilized states. Therefore, by looking at the undermined position of the UN and UN PKO, this paper will conclude that peacekeeping is not an effective practice post Cold War. In addition, it does not meet the demands to alleviate security threats and provide a sustainable peace around the world. Importantly, for the purpose of this argument, this study is only focused on criticizing UN PKO in the post Cold War era without incorporating any aspects of the role and power of the media in the 20-21st century and robust peacekeeping.
The United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and Challenges
Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 2019
The United Nations (UN) is mandated to maintain international peace and security. The UN attempts to achieve this mandate through different means including peacekeeping by deploying personnel and experts in conflict situations. The UN has adopted number of policies and mechanism to strengthen its peacekeeping operations. Although there are number of activities focusing on peacekeeping with notable successful operations, the UN still face issues and challenges which have been negatively influencing the efficiency, effectiveness and the success of its peacekeeping operations. This paper has attempted to examine the key activities of UN peacekeeping operations, their impact, and the major issues that negatively influence and challenge the peacekeeping operations. The study has found that the UN peacekeeping operations have worked effectively in managing conflict situations and establishing peace in many parts of the world. However, the shortcomings and issues particularly in terms of political, military and humanitarian aspects of the operations have negatively influenced the peacekeeping operations in achieving their targets successfully. The study urges the importance of policy and institutional reforms together with commitments of parties, institutions, and involving actors in order to strengthen peacekeeping operations and establish sustainable peace in many corners in the world.
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE UNITED NATIONS SYSTEM OF PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS DURING AND
Ezidinma Chinemerem David, 2020
The United Nations is a body or rather an organization of people. In a political tussle for power, the aim is to initiate a peace agreement between warring parties. It stands as the neutral body in every negotiation when called upon to preserve the rights of citizens when forcefully taken from them due to a situation of civil unrest in the nation. To achieve this, it created different sectors under itself to handle the various situations and types of needs that may occur in time of war. This paper discusses an essential part of the United Nations, for without it the organization might cease to exist.
Men With a Mission: Veterans' Meanings of Peacekeeping in Cambodia
Journal of Loss and Trauma, 2010
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Peacekeeping and the United Nations
1996
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The United Nations (UN) has played a crucial role in both conflict and post-conflict environments around the world, particularly in relation to post--conflict state building. The successes of the mandates of UN missions often depend on the local socio--political environment of countries where they are deployed. Further, geo--political interests are the crucial element that determines the success or failure of such missions, yet despite these interests, UN missions that are mandated to assist in capacity building as is the case with Kosovo and Timor Leste, should ensure the stabilization and political security of such countries. This paper discusses the UN missions in Kosovo and Timor Leste by comparing the mandates of both missions. The missions were successive (Kosovo followed by Timor Leste) and proved a pivotal turning point of success for the United Nations, given the failings of UN missions to Somalia, Rwanda and Bosnia in the 1990's. This paper analyses whether the UN missions to Kosovo and Timor
Collaborative human security? the UN and other actors in Cambodia
International Peacekeeping, 2005
Based on post-Cold War development in the security field and a case study of Cambodia, this study contends that the UN system moves towards 'collaborative human security' and away from state-centric, military security. The UN has played a growing role in promoting the personal security of individuals, although its impact varies: peacekeeping and the pursuit of international criminal justice as methods for achieving human security appear to be less successful than the political and economic approaches. But more can be done to ensure greater effectiveness of these methods.