Searching for a New Politics: The New Politics Movement and the Struggle to Democratize the Democratic Party, 1968–1978 (original) (raw)

Organized for Democracy? Left Challenges Inside the Democratic Party

Socialist Register

This essay examines the relationship between the left and the Democrats by undertaking a strategic assessment of the challenges facing left political power in the Democratic Party that draws on the mixed results of various challenges the left has presented inside the party historically. That strategic assessment must be based, I argue, on an institutional understanding of the Democratic Party as an organization, requiring the development of more sophisticated analytical tools than those typically employed by scholars on the left. The fundamental point to be drawn from this analysis is that while a robust, well-organized left can conceivably exercise power inside the Democratic Party, that power is unlikely to serve socialist ends of building the collective power of the working class due to the way the party is organized. Past efforts to transform the party organization into a party of different type, culminating in the New Politics movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s, demonstrate the difficultly of overcoming this problem. Coupled with the unlikelihood of producing the labour-based third party that has eluded the American left for well over a century, the analysis presented here suggests that the American left must rethink which kinds of goals can be accomplished in the realm of party politics and which cannot.

METAMORPHOSIS: THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE AMERICAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY INTO A SOCIALIST POLITICAL ENTITY

The American Democratic Party, as it exists today, is a far cry from the democratic liberalism of John F. Kennedy in the 1960s. JFK was no ‘liberal’ by today’s standards. Rather, his was a Lockean philosophy founded on ideas of liberty and equality, combined with the principles of economic responsibility. The young president was an ardent proponent of stimulating the private sector and consumer demand through tax-cuts, and slashing tariffs and regulations that restricted free trade. The present Democratic Party, the institution of Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, and Barack Obama, would consider JFK a minority-wing outsider at best. Clinton, who promises to continue the Obama legacy, would presumably add to the $20 trillion debt accumulated under the Obama administration. There are many analysts who argue that the politics of the Democratic Party are moving the United States to the radical left fringes. The Party of European Socialists drafted a Declaration of Principles on November 2011 summarizing their agenda. A comparison with the goals of European socialists and the statements and legislative initiatives of the Democratic Party are nearly identical.

ON THE WRONG SIDE OF HISTORY: THE US DEMOCRATIC PARTY'S DECLINE Introduction: Democrats on the Wrong Side of History

History is not on the side of the US Democratic Party and not just because Republicans control all branches of government and dominate in legislatures in 32 states and governorships in 33 states. Just as there is not much of a centrist or leftist challenge to bourgeois political parties around the world, the rightwing trend of American politics seems unstoppable as it has been gaining momentum since the Reagan-Thatcher decade in the 1980s. The trend of conservative politics is not confined to the US, but it has become global largely because centrist parties, even those in Europe under the label Socialist have moved to the globalization, neoliberal and austerity camp.

Political Reform and the Historical Trajectories of U.S. Social Movements in the Twentieth Century

We propose a political reform theory, a political and historical institutionalist argument that holds that shifts in political structures, partisan regimes and policy greatly influence movements. We appraise this argument, along with resource mobilization, political opportunity and media alternatives, by analyzing 600,000 articles in the New York Times and Washington Post that mention national U.S. social movement organizations (SMOs) in the largest 34 SMO industries across the twentieth century. We provide multivariate analyses of industry-level article mentions of SMOs and detailed analyses of the historical trajecto-ries of coverage across the century. Although we find some support for major theories of movements and media influences, the political reform theory is strongly supported and outperforms standard political opportunity models. We conclude with suggestions to synthesize theories and for research on movement and media outcomes. We elaborate and appraise a " political reform " argument that attributes patterns in social movement organization (SMO) presence in part to the historical rhythms of partisan political dominance and policymaking. The political reform model relies on political institutional influences (Amenta 2005) and the historical institutionalist insight that changes in policy alter politics (Pierson and Skocpol 2002). Diverging from the expectations of standard political opportunity models, we argue that the major regime shifts, both left and right, provide short-term spurs to movements. Moreover, we argue that domestic policy reforms provide extensive legitimation and staging bases for political action among existing SMOs, bolstering them long after the initial causes of the new policy have passed, rather than leading to the decline of the movement.

The Reemergence of the Left in Contemporary Mainstream American Politics: The Case Study of Bernie Sanders' Electoral Movement

The Reemergence of the Left in Contemporary Mainstream American Politics: The Case Study of Bernie Sanders’ Electoral Movement, 2020

Leftist movements in the USA have always emerged as a result of, a reaction to, and a struggle against circumstances of widespread disparity and socioeconomic biases. However, the American left-wing had undergone a long period of political absence and marginalization due to numerous factors. This dissertation thus set out to explore the contemporary resurgence of the left in mainstream American politics and the factors behind its recent emergence. The present study achieved its main research objectives by meticulously examining relevant literature and exploring the case study of Bernie Sanders’ presidential candidacies from different critical approaches to the Social Movement theory. The methodology followed in this research revolves around investigating the reasons behind the emergence of Bernie Sanders’ Electoral Movement based on using the following approaches: (1) the Relative Deprivation theory, (2) the Emancipatory theory, and (3) the Resource Mobilization theory. Accordingly, the inquiry engendered numerous key findings. First, the socioeconomic fallacies generated by ‘the neoliberal crisis’ created a political opening for an alternative ideological challenge. In this vein, the research inferred that the reemergence of the left is a symptom of the decreasing adequacy of the American sociopolitical system. Second, the case study analysis deduced that Sanders’ Electoral Movement shaped the youth and working-class’s contention with the system into a tangible electoral constituency. Hence, the resurgence of the left sprouted out of a culmination of public discontent with the socio-economic conditions and the neoliberal system which dates back to the Occupy Wall Street protests and the Great Recession. Third, the heavy and creative reliance on social media coverage helped spread awareness about the Movement’s ideas and agenda. Taking advantage of the freedom, inclusiveness, rapidity, and interactivity of the internet attracted, introduced, and recruited many people to the left. Overall, this research tried to provide an insightful reassessment of the status of the left in the United States. It critically presented as well a correlation between the phenomenon of resurgence and the American politico-economic neoliberal apparatus.