Past participles in reduced relatives: A cross-linguistic perspective (original) (raw)
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A Contrastive Analysis of the English Past Participle and the Bulgarian Past Passive Participle.pdf
Paisii Hilendarski University of Plovdiv – Bulgaria Research Papers, 2017
The paper presents a contrastive analysis of the English Past Participle and the Bulgarian Past Passive Participle in terms of their etymology, usages and functional equivalence. It touches upon the process of grammaticalisation of the linguistic units in both languages and briefly describes their most frequent usages. The analysis also includes a corpus of examples excerpted from the Bulgarian National Corpus (BulNC) and examines translation equivalents in order to elaborate on the differences and similarities of these linguistic units.
E. Tarpomanova. Aspectual and temporal characteristics of the past active participles in Bulgarian -a corpus-based study. - Proceedings ot CLIB 2018., 2018
The paper presents a corpus-based study of the past active participles in Bulgarian with respect of their aspectual and temporal characteristics. As this type of participles combine two morphological markers, a special attention is paid on their interaction in different tenses, moods and evidentials. The source of language material used for the study is the Bulgarian National Corpus. The paper is organized in terms of morphological oppositions, aspectual and temporal, analyzing the functions of the participles in compound verbal forms.
Proglas, 2022
Bulgarian linguistic publications describe (non)witnessing of the perfect in different and controversial terms. Many do not tackle the issue, some claim that the perfect is neutral as to witnessing. Prevalent is the view that three major separate values, grammaticalized, underlie the sam+l (i.e., be+past active participle) forms: perfect, inferential, renarrative. But if these are three homonymous grammemes and the perfect is neutral as to witnessing, it will turn out that perfects counter inferentials and renarratives with this specific property absent in the latter two-because they are strictly nonwitnessed. Such a thesis would be defective, however, because thirdperson present perfect forms, much more frequent, are nonwitnessed, with no exception at all. They are nonwitnessed also when formed from imperfect participles. Nonthirdperson perfect forms are subject to further study. But the status of thirdperson perfect forms as nonwitnessed must be incorporated into Bulgarian grammars, because the absence of this major characteristic discredits them.
Goranka Blagus Bartolec: Past Participles in Multiword Units in Croatian
Forum Lingwistyczne, 2019
Past participles (ending with -n (-an, -en), and -t) and the group of adjectives referred to in Croatian linguistics as true adjectives are similar regarding their syntactic structure. The paper analyses the collocation potential of the past participles based on data from the Croatian Collocation Database (http://ihjj.hr/kolokacije/english/) developed at the Institute of Croatian Language and Linguistics. The article describes both the use of the past participles in the multiword units in Croatian and their status in contemporary Croatian dictionaries. What is described are the criteria for distinguishing the past participles as morphological forms of the verb headword from the lexicalised adjectives that should have the status of independent headwords in the dictionary.
(2019c) The syntax and semantics of past participle agreement in Alemannic
Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics, 4(1), 105., 2019
This paper investigates agreement on past participles in Highest Alemannic dialects of German. We will first show that participle agreement only occurs in contexts where the participle is adjectival, viz., in stative passives and in resultative perfects, but not in eventive perfects. The participles thus pattern with predicative adjectives, which also display agreement in these varieties. In the main part of the paper, we address double compound perfects and eventive passives, which also display agreement on the lexical participle. Even though it is initially not obvious that the participle is adjectival in these cases, we will provide syntactic evidence for their adjectival status. Furthermore, we will pursue the hypothesis that the adjectival head of all agreeing participles is a stativizer, even in the double compound perfect and the eventive passive. At the same time, both the double compound perfect and the eventive passive also clearly have an eventive component. We will model their behavior by treating the participles as mixed categories, viz., as adjectival heads that take a large amount of verbal structure as their complement (VoiceP/AspP). While recent work on German stative passives has argued that even those should be analyzed as containing a substantial amount of verbal structure, the behavior of participles in the double perfect and the eventive passive in the varieties under consideration is clearly different. They thus contribute to the typology of adjectival passives in German and beyond and show that the familiar distinction between 'adjectival' and 'verbal' participles needs to be further refined.
East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 2023
This paper deals with Bulgarian съм+-л ('be'+past active participle) perfect verb forms with aorist and imperfect participles, thе distinction between these two participles being a phenomenon found only in Bulgarian among the Slavic languages and generally absent in other languages too. According to the majority of Bulgarianists today, imperfect participles are not used in perfect verb forms. However, this thesis is considered here a fully defective one for a number of reasons, among which: no argumentation has ever been provided to explain the thesis in essencefor example, in its possible connection to the aspectual values encoded in aorist and imperfect participles, or to the general characteristics of съм+-л forms. These forms are capable of effectuating a large number of TAM meaningsnot only of "a standard perfect" but also modal ones such as inferentiality, renarration, dubitativity, etc. Following the author's definition of aspect as an all-pervading and perpetual process of mapping temporal features between verbal and nominal referents, certain uses of imperfect and aorist participles in sentences with perfect verb forms are analyzed, and the impact the relevant participle (imperfect or aorist) exerts on the temporal values of situation-participant NP-referents is analyzed and identified. The major generalization is that the never-ending process of mapping temporal features from verbs to nominals (NPs) that occurs in verbal-aspect languages (Slavic, Greek, Georgian, etc.), and vice versa, from nominals (NPs) to verbs that occurs in compositionalaspect languages (Dutch, English, Finnish, etc.) is an extremely important psychophysiological mechanism ingrained in peoples' heads and conditioning the development of grammatical structures of languages. Intriguingly, this process is linguistically fully identifiable at the speaker-hearer interaction level but remains completely beyond the awareness of the ordinary native speaker.
Competition in Frisian Past Participles
Competition in Inflection and Word-Formation, Studies in Morphology 5, 2019
This paper evaluates recent developments in the inflection of Frisian past participles and how to account for them with the aid of a model of morphological productivity. In Frisian, there are two alternative types of past participles which both have their origin in the South-western dialect region of Fryslân, but of which only one is spreading productively across the whole language area. The natural existence of contact between the original dialect region and the rest of the language area, in theory enables both alternative types to spread. Also, both of them can be described with rules. We will therefore argue that the reason for the spread of only one of the alternatives is due to the productivity of its underlying rule. Specifically, we will argue that the Tolerance Principle (Yang, Linguis Var Yearb 5(1):265–302, 2005, The price of linguistic productivity: how children learn to break the rules of language. MIT Press, 2016) predicts both the difference in productivity between the two alternatives, as well as the productive spread of one of the alternatives outwards from the dialect region in which it originated.
Romanian Passive Participles as Complements of Perception Verbs
This article discusses the Romanian non-finite verbal forms which are complements of direct perception verbs: the gerundial and the past participle structures. The focus is on one restriction which the gerund displays, i.e. the fact that the passive morpheme fiind ‘being’ is ruled out after a direct perception verb, and the consequences thereof. Since the passive morpheme is absent from the direct perception configuration, the past participle encodes the passive event on its own. A series of diagnostic tests are applied in order to disambiguate between the passive past participle’s verbal (eventive) and its adjectival (resultative) use.
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