Israel: The Jewish and Democratic State (original) (raw)
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The term *a Jewish and democratic state' that appears in the constitutional language of Israel is commonly understood as a combination of the two independent terms, namely 'a Jewish state' and a democratic state*. The most fundamental question regarding both the theoretical meaning and the practical significance of this combination is whether a state can be simultaneously 'a Jewish state' and 'a democratic state. Since interpretations have been numerous and opinions divided, it would be helpful to sketch a map of possible interpretations of this combination of terms; not only to make it easier for citizens to navigate this map and formulate an opinion on the issue but, mainly, to mark the High Road on this map and then evaluate the present deep nature of the State of Israel and its civil society as well as emergent dangers and prospects. The paper wil I outline a conception of the state being a Jewish one and a conception of the state being a democratic one, which are compatible with each other. It will be claimed that a couple of conceptions constitute the |High Road' of the map, the proper way of understanding the combination 'a Jewish and democratic state' in the constitutional context. It will then be argued that when the two conceptions are applied to Israel, in the present, the state is Jewish but is not of the desired democratic profile.
Israel’s Jewish and Democratic Balance: A Historian Reflects on the Nation-State Law.
Fathom, 2018
Few thoughts on dogs that do not bark, the difference between Jerusalem and Philadelphia, and why Meir Ariel got it right while Yehonatan Geffen didn’t. Ah yes, and about the problems I find in the nation-state Basic Law. For a more formal abstract (written by the editors of Fathom): In this long read Dubnov writes as ‘a Jewish citizen of Israel, and by this virtue – a member of the fortunate, favored group that is privileged by the new legislation passed in summer 2018 – namely, the Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People.’ Dubnov indicts the law because of what it lacks – ‘any promise of equality and democracy, a Bill of Rights of any kind, that takes into consideration the non-Jewish citizens of Israel’ – and because of the real-world political context in which it is being enacted and from which it derives its meaning: ‘populist campaigns against “politically correctness,” toleration of others and basic norms of civility, alongside increased attempts by state authorities to curtail the activities of NGOs and human rights activists, targeted as “radical” and the weakening commitment of the Israeli legislature to the democratic rules of the game.’ Dubnov identifies four reasons liberal democrats should be worried by the law: its treatment of ‘Jewish settlement’, Jerusalem, the Arabic language, and Israel-Diaspora relations. He also notes with alarm the place accorded to the Druze in the new law.
Israeli Democracy at the Crossroads
Introduction Raphael Cohen-Almagor General From Socialism to Free Market – The Israeli Economy: 1948 – 2003 Ben-Zion Zilberfarb Between Enlightened Authoritarianism and Social Responsibility – On Media and Politics Dan Caspi Rights and Schisms Human Rights David Kretzmer Health Rights Carmel Shalev Women's Human Rights: Dichotomy between Religion and Secularism in Israel Frances Raday Israel as a Multicultural Democracy: Challenges and Obstacles Yossi Yonah The Absorption of Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union Tamar Horowitz Is A Halachic State Possible? The Paradox of Jewish Theocracy Aviezer Ravitzky “A Jewish and Democratic State”: Present Navigation in the Map of Interpretations Asa Kasher Whither the Green Line? Trends in the Orientation of the Palestinians in Israel and the Territories Majid Al-Haj Israel and Its Arab Citizens Hillel Frisch Israel Facing Terrorism Ariel Merari Final Words Revisiting the Zionist Dream Claude Klein Israeli Democracy at the Crossroads Raphael Cohen-Almagor Notes on Contributors Index
Israeli Democracy and the Rights of Its Palestinian Citizens
2015
The litmus test for assessing the democratization of any given society is the status of its minorities. The more minorities are integrated into society and receive equal treatment, respect and concern, the more light that society would shed unto other nations, serving as an inspiring model to follow. Presently Israel is severely criticized by foes and friends for its treatment of its Palestinians citizens. This criticism is warranted. This paper shows that Israeli leaders consistently refrain from implementing comprehensive egalitarian policies. It is argued that Israel should strive to accommodate the interests of the Palestinian citizens and grant them equal citizenship rights.
Religion and Democracy in Israel
The Political Quarterly, 2000
Section 1(A) of Israel's Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (1992) states that the law's purpose is`to protect human dignity and liberty, in order to establish in a Basic Law the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state.' The legislation, approved in 1992 and amended in 1994, is part of an ongoing process of constitution building, which has accompanied the state of Israel since its birth. Section 1(A) perhaps embodies the contradictions and diculties arising from the idea of a Jewish state, within the framework of western democratic systems of government. These contradictions lie in the contested meaning of two terms, Jewish and democratic, whose dierent interpretations can lead, in their application, to synthesis, con¯ict or cohabitation. This article tries to address the complex relation between democracy and religion in the state of Israel.
Israel as a multicultural democracy: Challenges and obstacles
Israel Affairs, 2005
The purpose of this paper is to examine possible implications should Israel incorporate multicultural principles in its 'basic structure'. The paper divides into two main sections. In the first section I will embark on a short theoretical discussion concerning the relationship between claims of recognition and claims of distribution. In the second section I will assess the implications of this discussion for Israeli society, focusing on the main schisms characterizing Israeli society (Israeli Palestinian and Israeli Jews, Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Jews, religious and non-religious Jews, veterans and immigrants, and gender relations). One of the main arguments of the paper is that the separation of claims of recognition from claims of distribution presents insurmountable difficulties. These claims are very often inextricable. The fusion of these claims, however, underscores the utmost importance of the multicultural project. It shows that claims of distribution cannot be accommodated by a social system purporting to secure equality for all members of society irrespective of race, gender and cultural differences. This conclusion is valid either for societies whose basic political principles claim cultural neutrality or for societies whose principles forfeit such neutrality but promise universal inclusion of all members of society.