What you give is what you GET? On reanalysis, semantic extension and functional motivation with the German bekommen-passive construction (original) (raw)

The Short Life Cycle of External Arguments in German Passive Derivations

In this article, I pursue two main goals. First, I argue for a new empirical generalization: An external argument in German passive constructions (DP ext) is accessible from positions below it but inaccessible from positions above it. And second, I present a new theory of passivization from which this generalization can be derived: I suggest that an elementary operation Remove should be postulated in phase-based minimalist syntax that is the complete mirror image of Merge in that it triggers structure removal rather than structure building, and that obeys exactly the same restrictions (with respect to triggers, strict cyclicity, etc.). Remove provides a principled approach to conflicting structure assignment and reanalysis in general, with short life cycle effects (derivable from strict cyclicity) at its core.

Valence Creation and the German Applicative: the Inherent Semantics of Linking Patterns

Journal of Semantics, 2000

We provide a unified account of semantic effects observable in attested examples of the German applicative ('be-') construction, e.g., Rollstuhlfahrer Poul Schacksen aus Kopenhagen will den 1997 erschienenen Wegweiser Handiguide Europa fortführen und zusammen mit Movado Berlin berollen ('Wheelchair user Poul Schacksen from Copenhagen wants to continue the guide 'Handiguide Europe', which came out in 1997, and be-roll Berlin together with Movado.'). We argue that these effects do not come from lexico-semantic operations on 'input' verbs, but are instead the products of a reconciliation procedure in which the meaning of the verb is integrated into the event-structure schema denoted by the applicative construction. The applicative pattern is an ARGUMENT-STRUCTURE CONSTRUCTION, in terms of . We contrast this account with that of Brinkmann (1997), in which properties associated with the applicative pattern (e.g., omissibility of the theme argument, holistic interpretation of the goal argument, and planar construal of the location argument) are attributed to general semantico-pragmatic principles. We undermine the generality of the principles as stated, and assert that these properties are instead construction-particular. We further argue that the constructional account provides an elegant model of the valence-creation and valence-augmentation functions of the prefix. We describe the constructional semantics as prototype-based: diverse implications of bepredications, including iteration, transfer, affectedness, intensity and saturation, derive via regular patterns of semantic extension from the topological concept of COVERAGE.

7. Grammaticalization and semantic reanalysis

Semantics - Typology, Diachrony and Processing

The article starts by describing grammaticalization-a kind of language change-on basis of examples and characterizations in earlier literature on language change. I argue that a full understanding of grammaticalization can only be achieved when we take compositional semantics and the syntax-semantics interface into account. The analysis of cases of grammaticalization as cases of semantic reanalysis not only allows to describe more precisely the synchronization of changes in meaning and structure. It also reveals why the resulting new units in language (morphemes, constructions, words) are often 'abstract' and in what sense such changes overwhelmingly but not necessarily are unidirectional. Section 4 offers a detailed account of the semantic reanalysis of German fast 1 ('solid, tight') to fast 2 ('almost') which illustrates the general principles of sections 2 and 3. After contrasting the present analysis of grammaticalization with earlier proposals in the literature (section 5), section 6 addresses the reasons for semantic reanalysis. I propose that one driving factor is the urge to avoid accommodation of presuppositions which are costly and implausible. This I call the strategy to "Avoid Pragmatic Overload", an interpretive strategy of the hearer. 1. Grammaticalization as a conspiracy of changes Research in grammaticalization was inspired by the question "where does grammar come from?". While it is almost tautological that any communication system requires signals for entities, properties, relations ("content words"), grammatical structures don't seem to be required by signalling systems as such. Nevertheless, practically all natural languages

Object-To-Subject-Raising and Lexical Rule. An Analysis of the German Passive

Proceedings of the HPSG-2003 Conference, Michigan …, 2003

It is a much-debated issue whether one should assume separate lexical entries for participles used in passive and perfect constructions or whether there is just one lexical entry that is used in different ways depending on whether a passive or perfect auxiliary is present in the clause.

From Meaning to Form: an Alternative Model of Functional Syntax

Russian Language Journal, 2007

The purpose of this article is to introduce a model for a meaning-based functional syntax. A full description of the model may be found in our recent monograph . Work on the model has been carried out in the Department of Slavonic and Baltic Languages and Literature at the University of Helsinki over the last fifteen years. Given that the above-mentioned book and various shorter publications (Mustajoki have appeared in Russian, it seems appropriate to give a short overview of the model in English. The only presentation of the model in English thus far is to be found in (Chesterman 1998); but this monograph was based on an earlier version of the model (Mustajoki 1993). A number of corrections and improvements have been made in the most recent version of the model.

The German Infinitival Passive : a Case for Oblique Functional Controllers ?

2007

The German Infinitival Passive: a case for oblique functional controllers ? (2006)

Following the standard LFG assumption that a functional controller – unlike an anaphoric controller – must bear a term GF and must be present at f-structure, one must assume that the German Infinitival Passive Construction (IPC) (e.g. Den Turm zu erreichen wurde versucht) involves Anaphoric Control, at least for subject equi verbs. However, an Anaphoric Control analysis of the IPC with equi verbs that select a dative object fails to account for the availability of split antecedents since under Anaphoric Control split antecedents should be possible, but they are not. Instead, I pursue a Functional Control analysis of the German IPC – thus accounting for the availability of split antecedents. Equi verbs which do not license the IPC, namely accusative object equi, can be analyzed via Anaphoric Control since they prohibit split antecedents. For subject equi verbs, then, the Functional Control analysis of the IPC will require two modifications to be made to LFG's standard approach to Functional Control, both of which I will claim are independently motivated. First, one must allow a non-term argument (namely OBLAGENT) to be a functional controller; something LFG has previously rejected. Second, the implicit OBLAGENT argument of passives must be represented at f-structure since this is, I claim, a functional controller. Evidence from binding facts suggests this may be required anyway. Finally, allowing non-term functional controllers actually permits an alternative account of Visser's Generalization which also captures its (partial) non-application in German.

101. Grammaticalization and semantic reanalysis

Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft / Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science, 2012

Grammaticalization as a conspiracy of changes Research in grammaticalization was inspired by the question "where does grammar come from?". While it is almost tautological that any communication system requires signals for entities, properties, relations ("content words"), grammatical structures don't seem to be required by signalling systems as such. Nevertheless, practically all natural languages include grammatical structure of surprising complexity. Moreover, there is no correlation between the level of cultural achievements of a society and the level of grammatical complexity of the society's language. These observations suggest that our universal linguistic abilities drive us to collectively enrich signalling systems of content words with grammatical infrastructure. The present article takes a closer look into the semantic processes involved in these developments. The prototypical instance of language change called 'grammaticalization' is a change where a word with independent content, preferably of one of the main lexical categories A, V or N, develops a new use with a comparatively more dependent, more abstract content, changed word class, typically of a functional nature, e.g. auxiliary, modal, functional word or even affix. The development of Latin and French future tense forms is often presented as a typical model case of grammaticalization. (1) Expression of Future tense: we will sing Pre-Latin Latin French *kanta b h umos → canta-bimus sing be-2Pl.pres. sing-2Pl.fut. cantare habemus → chante-rons sing have-2Pl.pres. sing-2Pl.fut. allons chanter → ? go-2Pl.pres sing The semantic link between main verb ('sing') and embedding/auxiliary verb ('have', later 'go') changes during the development. The grammatical status of the latter verb changes (from embedder to auxiliary verb), later also its morphological status (from independent word to affix). While it is usually a larger part of sentences which undergoes restructuring in such developments, it is often possible to spot one participant which is most involved, in the present case the verb 'have' which turns from embedding verb via auxiliary to inflectional affix. 'Grammaticalization' is often used as if it affected exactly one word, clitic, or syllable. I will frequently talk about items as a cover term for 'construction', 'word', 'clitic', 'affix'; firstly because grammaticalization processes are assumed to affect all these parts of speech, and secondly because changes can turn for instance a 'word' into an 'affix', still the object will remain an 'item'. The first studies in grammaticalization concerned the origin of grammatical structures like case endings, tense and aspect systems, determiners or classifiers. As the field broadened its focus, the need arose to replace the intuitive characterization of an item changing from "something less grammatical" into "something more grammatical" by a more specific characterization. One of the most sophisticated models, and one that is still in use (e.g. Fischer, 2007) was developed by Lehmann in (1982/1995). Lehmann proposes three parameters of grammaticalization, each being realised in a syntagmatic and a paradigmatic dimension. The following table of criteria emerges (Lehmann 1982/1995: T4):

Interpreting adjectival passives: Evidence for the activation of contrasting states

In this paper, we report an experimental study that addressed the comprehension of adjectival passives in German, e.g., Das Fenster ist geöffnet (The window is opened). We drew on recent linguistic accounts (Gehrke to appear; Maienborn 2009) that propose that the interpretation of such forms necessitates the involvement of a contrasting state (e.g., closed window). In line with this proposal, the results of our experiment indicate that contrasting states are mentally better available after reading a sentence with an adjectival passive than after reading a corresponding sentence with an adjective, e.g., Das Fenster ist offen (The window is open).

What you give is what you GET? On reanalysis, semantic extension and functional motivation with the German bekommen-passive construction (original) (raw)

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