Aztec Commoner Access to Foreign Trade Goods: A West Mexican Bronze Needle from the Teotihuacan Valley (original) (raw)
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Ancient Mesoamerica, 2024
We describe an analysis of the flaked stone tools recovered from households in the Postclassic central Mexican city of Calixtlahuaca (A.D. 1130-1530). Most artifacts are obsidian and represent the blade-core technology, but biface and bipolar artifacts are also represented. Even though household residents were involved in limited biface and bipolar reduction, it appears that the city did not have any resident blade producers. This finding is at odds with the views of many archaeologists, who tend to associate craft production with the emergence of complex Mesoamerican urban centers. We examine the technologies from temporally distinct Calixtlahuacan household assemblages. We discuss why the quantity and quality artifacts associated with blade production are not consistent with resident blade making in the city. Finally, we examine four models for blade provisioning: (1) whole-blade trade, (2) processed-blade trade, (3) long-distance itinerant craftsmen, and (4) local, hinterlandbased craftsmen. Evaluating how the Calixtlahuacans got their flaked stone tools has important implications for the comparative understanding of the organization and scale of economic provisioning systems in Postclassic central Mexico. This analysis supports new inferences about the nature of commercial networks that supplied the Toluca Valley prior to the arrival of the Spanish in the sixteenth century.
"Long-Distance Trade Under the Aztec Empire: The Archaeological Evidence" (1990)
This article presents archaeological data on Late Postclassic long-distance trade in central and northern Mesoamerica. A~t e c trade goods from the Basin of Mexico (ceramics and obsidian) are widespread, while imports from other areas are much less common, both in the Basin of Mexico and elsewhere. The artifactual data signal a high volume of exchange in the Late Postclassic, and while trade was spatially nucleated around the Basin of Mexico, most exchange activity was apparently not under strong political control. The archaeological findings are compared with ethnohistoric sources to further our knowledge of the mechanisms of exchange, the effect of elite consumption on trade, and the relationship between trade and imperialism.
World Archaeology, 1991
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. 'I must now speak of the skilled workmen whom Montezuma employed in all the crafts they practised .. .' (Diaz del Castillo 1963: 230). Introduction Aztec craft products are known both from contemporary sixteenth-century descriptions (Cort6s 1962; Diaz del Castillo 1963; Sahagfin 1979), and from discoveries of archaeological materials during the almost five centuries since the conquest (Boone 1987; Marquina 1960; Matos Moctezuma 1979; 1982; Reygada Vertiz 1935).
Cultural Dynamics and Production Activities in Ancient Western Mexico (2016)
Archaeopress, Oxford (UK)
This book presents a collection of papers from the Symposium on Cultural Dynamics and Production Activities in Ancient Western Mexico, held at the Center for Archaeological Research of the Colegio de Michoacán on September 18-19, 2014. While these thought-provoking essays on key topics in Western Mexican archaeology will spark debate among scholars interested in this cultural area, they will also be of interest to students of ancient Mesoamerica as a whole. The time is ripe for insightful discussions and new syntheses of archaeological research in Western Mesoamerica, and this volume represents, undoubtedly, a valuable contribution to this urgent task. The papers are grouped into three thematic areas. The first, Cultural dynamics in Western Mexico, includes essays on: The challenges of archaeology in flood-prone areas; Exploitation of local resources and imported products; Settlement systems of the Tarascan state; and Stone tools as indicators of task specialization. The second section, Production of strategic resources, analyzes the following topics: The obsidian jewelry of the Teuchitlán Tradition; Differing obsidian economies in Teuchitlán culture; Source areas and obsidian exploitation in Michoacán; The history of pottery production in Capula, Michoacán; Ethnoarchaeology of Tarascan pottery: domestic production and decoration styles; Ceramics, social status, and the Tarascan state economy; and Copper as a strategic resource in pre-Hispanic Western Mexico; while part three focuses on Trade and exchange: Circulation of goods and communication routes between Western and Central Mexico; Contrasting models of ceramic production in the Tarascan state; and Ceramic evidence of contact between Teotihuacan, the Bajío, and southern Hidalgo.
Merchants and Markets: The Archaeology of Aztec Commerce at Otumba Mexico
Merchants, Trade and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World, edited by Kenneth G. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury, pp. 49–83. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections, Washington D.C., 2013
trustees for harvard university, Washington, d.c. all rights reserved. Printed in the united states of america library of congress cataloging-in-Publication data Merchants, markets, and exchange in the Pre-columbian world / kenneth g. hirth and Joanne Pillsbury, editors. p. cm. -(dumbarton oaks Pre-columbian symposia and colloquia) includes index. ISBn 978-0-88402-386-9 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. indians of Mexico-commerce. 2. indians of Mexico-economic conditions. 3. indians of Mexicoantiquities. 4. indians of central america-commerce. 5. indians of central america-economic conditions. 6. indians of central america-antiquities. 7. indians of south america-andes regioncommerce. 8. indians of south america-andes region-economic conditions. 9. indians of south america-andes region-antiquities. i. hirth, ken. ii. Pillsbury, Joanne. f1219.3.c6m49 2013 972´.01-dc23 2012022302 general editors: Joanne Pillsbury and Mary e. Pye art director: kathleen sparkes design and composition: Melissa tandysh Managing editor: sara taylor Volume based on papers presented at the Pre-columbian studies symposium "Merchants, trade, and exchange in the Pre-columbian World," held at dumbarton oaks research library and collection, Washington, d.c., on october 8-9, 2010.
This study evaluates how prehispanic central Mexicans made stone tools—primarily from obsidian—and used them in their homes over a period of 3,000 years. Mesoamerican scholars have often assumed the functional purposes of different lithic tools based on their material or technological attributes. Most limit their studies to single sites and extrapolate broader reconstructions of economic activities. I assess stone tool functions and associated economic activities through technological analyses of more than 43,000 lithic artifacts and, in addition, a feasibility study for high magnification use-wear analysis utilizing 589 of these artifacts from multiple household contexts in the central Mexican villages of Amomoloc (900-650 B.C.), Tetel (750-500 B.C.), and Mesitas (600-500 B.C.); the town of La Laguna (600 B.C.-A.D. 150); the city of Teotihuacan (A.D. 200-550); and the Aztec village of Cihuatecpan (A.D. 1150-1550). I determine that pressure blades—the most common tool form—were multifunctional. They were regularly modified via pressure trimming or notching and recycled through bipolar percussion to suit specific tasks. Blade production error rates decreased consistently, especially after the invention of core platform grinding near the end of the Classic period (A.D. 100-600). Preliminary results of the use-wear feasibility study suggest that certain tools became associated with specific tasks. Scrapers were mainly used to produce goods of maguey, wood, and hide. People came to use hafted atlatl dart points and bifacial knives almost exclusively for hunting and meat butchering tasks, respectively, and smaller bifacial drills mostly for shell craft production. Bipolar tools created through anvil percussion were more common during the Formative period (1500 B.C.-A.D. 100), when they were probably used as expedient kitchen utensils. Obsidian tools in central Mexico were not exclusively staple goods. Ritual bloodletting implements are spatially associated with communal altars and commoner and elite residences, but after the Epiclassic period (A.D. 600-900) bloodletting was restricted primarily to temples. Likewise, although weaponry was common during the Classic through Postclassic periods, and jewelry was relatively common during the Late Postclassic period (A.D. 1325-1521), in prehispanic times their spatial distributions were much more restricted across site contexts compared to obsidian staple goods. I demonstrate that in prehispanic central Mexico stone tools were produced and used primarily in household spaces, contrary to models that have emphasized sponsorship by elites or religious institutions. Residents produced stone tools in their homes primarily to satisfy their own needs during the Formative period. As rising populations contributed to urban densities and the development of marketplace economies, household lithic production increased to satisfy broader consumer demand. Producing households often specialized in blade production or followed a multicrafting strategy, in which the scale of production exceeded their own needs.
The movement of metal goods in Mesoamerica
Interregional Interaction in Ancient Mesoamerica (eds. Joshua D. Englehardt and Michael D. Carrasco), 2019
Interregional interaction is a timely subject in Mesoamerican studies. This volume will offer a range .of approaches to understand and assess interaction."
American Antiquity, 2021
The connection between people in the prehispanic U.S. Southwest / Northwest Mexico (SW/NW) and Mesoamerica is one of the most debated research topics in American archaeology. SW/NW groups used objects from Mesoamerica, but did they also trade for obsidian? Archaeologists have yet to find Mesoamerican obsidian from confirmed prehispanic SW/NW contexts, but here we discuss four green obsidian prismatic blades from New Mexico and Arizona. Using EDXRF spectrometry, we demonstrate that the blades are from the Pachuca source in Mesoamerica. The blades were found at four sites that the Spanish and their Mexican Indian allies used or potentially visited beginning in AD 1540. Using lithic technological organization and historical narratives, we assess the credibility of the different hypothesized models of prehispanic SW/NW-Mesoamerican interaction and obsidian use by the Mexican Indian allies. We suggest that green Pachuca blades would have been traded into the SW/NW if interaction with Mesoamerica had occurred more frequently. We also offer reasons why archaeologists have found so few Mesoamerican obsidian blades at post-1540 sites. This research is relevant because it expands our knowledge about SW/NW-Mesoamerican connections and the Mexican Indian allies of the Spanish, who are an underrepresented group in the archaeological and historical records.
Iowa. Many faculty and students have given comments and suggestions that have aided in the direction of my research. I want to thank the members of my thesis committee. James G. Enloe offered both support and advice. E. Paul Durrenburger directed me past many side issues and focused my attention on the core of this project. I thank Cynthia Otis Charlton for guiding me through the lapidary production materials at Otumba (TA-80). Dr. Thomas H. Charlton gave me access to the broad range of archaeological materials from Otumba and taught me the Aztec ceramic typology and sequence for the Teotihuacán