Insights Into the Lives of Indonesian Female Tablighi Jama'at (original) (raw)

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Insights Into the Lives of Indonesian Female Tablighi Jama’at

EVA F. NISA

Modern Asian Studies / Volume 48 / Special Issue 02 / March 2014, pp 468 - 491
DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X13000681, Published online: 13 February 2014
Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract S0026749X13000681
How to cite this article:
EVA F. NISA (2014). Insights Into the Lives of Indonesian Female Tablighi Jama’at Modern Asian Studies, 48, pp 468-491 doi:10.1017/S0026749X13000681

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Insights Into the Lives of Indonesian Female Tablighi Jama’at*

EVA F. NISA
The Australian National University, Australia, and Universität Hamburg,
Germany
Email: eva_nisa@anu.edu.au

Abstract

Tablighi Jama’at is one of the most popular Islamic purist movements in the world. Although it has a growing presence in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country, little research has thus far been done on its activities in that country. To gain access to Indonesian society, the Tablighi Jama’at has been particularly original in choosing a uniquely Indonesian institution as its entry point: the pesantren (Islamic boarding schools). The role of pesantren for the Tablighis in Indonesia is not confined to spreading Islamic knowledge, they also serve as a hub of Tablighi activities. This paper focuses on examining the role of the Tablighi pesantren in shaping and transmitting religious knowledge to its Indonesian followers, and in particular to female followers, as there is to date no scholarship on this topic. It analyses the life experiences of female Tablighis inside and outside the pesantren and their passion to belong to a global imagined Tablighi community. Transnational travel of female Tablighis from diverse neighbouring countries is a central part of the pesantren experience. For Indonesian Tablighi women, the presence of these female guests and foreign students who are enrolled in the pesantren play a significant role in strengthening their passionate desire to be part of the global Tablighi Jama’at umma.

Introduction

Currently, the number of Indonesian women associating themselves with Tablighi Jama’at is increasing significantly. This transnational Islamic reform movement was founded in the 1920 in India

[1]

    • Many thanks to Mirjam Künkler, Christophe Jaffrelot, Kathryn Robinson, Radhika Gupta, and Faried F. Saenong who read and commented on previous versions of this paper. As the author of the paper, I alone take responsibility for the analysis presented here.
      ↩︎

by Mawlana Muḥammad Ilyas Kandhalawi (1885-1944). 1{ }^{1} Marc Gaborieau points out that the movement has experienced a dramatic change, given that until the late 1970s it was popular only among Muslims in South Asia. 2{ }^{2} Under the leadership of Mawlana Muhammad Yusuf Kandhalawi (1917-1965), the only son of the founder, the movement began to extend its influence to the entire world. 3{ }^{3} Tablighi Jama’at arrived in Indonesia in 195241952^{4} and has since become one of the most popular reform movements in that country.

In spite of the fact that it is a non-indigenous movement, Tablighi Jama’at has been well received by Indonesians. This is clear from the number of Muslims who attend its annual countrywide ijtima 6{ }^{6} (gathering). For example, more than 800,000 Muslims attended the 2009 annual meeting. 5{ }^{5} Farish A. Noor even argued that there is ‘no spot left in Indonesia where the Tabligh has not established itself’. 6{ }^{6} Although some Indonesian Muslims who are attached to mainstream Muslim organizations, especially Nahdlatul Ulama and

[1]

  1. 1{ }^{1} For a detailed explanation of the history of Tablighi Jama’at, see M. A. Haq (1972). The Faith Movement of Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas, Allen and Unwin, London; Christian W. Troll (1985). ‘Five Letters of Maulana Ilyas (1885-1944), the Founder of the Tabligh Jama’at’ in C. W. Troll (ed.), Islam in India: Studies and Commentaries 2:Religion and Religious Education, Vikas, Delhi, pp. 138-176; Barbara D. Metcalf (1993). ‘Living hadīth in the Tablīghī Jamā‘at’, Journal of Asian Studies, 52:3, pp. 584-608; Mumtaz Ahmad (1991). ‘Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia: The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat of South Asia’ in M. E. Marty and R. S. Appleby (eds), Fundamentalisms Observed, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, pp. 457-530; Muhammad K. Masud (2000). ‘The Growth and Development of Tablīghī Jamā‘at in India’ in M. K. Masud (ed.), Travelers in Faith: Studies of Tablighī Jamā’at as a Transnational Islamic Movement for Faith Renewal, Brill, Leiden, pp. 3-43; Abdul Aziz (2004). ‘The Jamaah Tabligh movement in Indonesia: peaceful fundamentalist’, Studia Islamika, 11:3, pp. 467−517467-517. On the Tablighi Jama’at as a transnational movement, see Marc Gaborieau (2000). ‘The Transformation of Tablīghī Jamā‘at into a Transnational Movement’ in Masud (ed.), Travellers in Faith, pp. 121-138.
    2{ }^{2} Gaborieau, ‘The Transformation of Tablīghī Jamā‘at into a Transnational Movement’, p. 121.
    3{ }^{3} Gaborieau, ‘The Transformation of Tablīghī Jamā‘at into a Transnational Movement’, pp. 121-122.
    4{ }^{4} See Yusran Razak (2008). ‘Jama’ah Tabligh: Ajaran dan Dakwahnya’, PhD thesis, Ilmu Agama Islam, Sekolah Pascasarjana, Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah. For more on the history of the Tablighi Jama’at in Indonesia and the early presence of the first female followers of Indonesian Tablighis, see Eva F. Amrullah (2011). ‘Seeking sanctuary in “the age of disorder”: women in contemporary Tablighi Jama’at’, Contemporary Islam, 5:2, pp. 135-160.
    5{ }^{5} Amrullah, ‘Seeking sanctuary in “the age of disorder”’, p. 139.
    6{ }^{6} Farish A. Noor (2009). ‘The spread of the Tablighi Jama’at across Western, Central and Eastern Java and the role of Indian Muslim diaspora’, RSIS Working Paper, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, no. 175, Singapore. ↩︎

Muhammadiyah, do not agree with the Tablighi Jama’at’s methods of da’wa (proselytisation), such as khurūj (going out of one’s own neighbourhood to proselytize), in general they do think that Tablighi Jama’at does not introduce any deviant teachings.

The presence of Tablighi pesantren 7{ }^{7} for women underscores the important (but often neglected) role played by women in ensuring the future of the movement. Studies of pesantren attached to purist groups in Indonesia have neglected Tablighi pesantren for female followers. 8{ }^{8} This is in part because only female researchers are able to gain good access to female Tablighis. 9{ }^{9}

This paper focuses on examining the role of Tablighi educational institutions in Indonesia in shaping and transmitting religious knowledge to their female followers. It also analyses the life experiences of female Tablighis inside and outside the pesantren and their passionate desire to be part of the global Tablighi Jama’at umma. Looking at the phenomenon through the lens of Benedict Anderson’s ‘imagined communities’, it becomes clear that the pesantren have a special role to play in providing space for Tablighi Jama’at’s transnational connectivity. Thus by being exposed to foreign guests and students staying at their pesantren, Indonesian female Tablighis are able to imagine their belonging to the global Tablighi communities. An imagined community is not based on everyday face-to-face interaction: Anderson argues that 'it is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of

[1]

  1. 7{ }^{7} I use the term ‘Tablighi pesantren’ to identify those pesantren that have a close connection to the Tablighi Jama’at movement. This connection does not have to be a formal link.
    8{ }^{8} Most studies focus on the presence of pesantren from other purist groups. Recently, those of Salafi movements have been the main focus of many scholars. For example, see Noorhaidi Hasan (2008). ‘The Salafi Madrasas of Indonesia’ in F. A. Noor, Y. Sikand and M. van Bruinessen (eds), The Madrasa in Asia: Political Activism and Transnational Linkages, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, pp. 247-274; Martin van Bruinessen (2008). “Traditionalist” and “Islamist” Pesantren in Contemporary Indonesia’ in Noor, Sikand and Van Bruinessen (eds), The Madrasa in Asia, pp. 217-245; Farish A. Noor (2007). ‘Ngruki revisited: Modernity and its discontents at the Pondok Pesantren al-Mukmin of Ngruki, Surakarta’, RSIS Working Paper, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, no. 139, Singapore; Charlene Tan (2011). Islamic Education and Indoctrination: The Case in Indonesia, Routledge, New York and London.
    9{ }^{9} See also Yoginder Sikand (1999). ‘Women and the Tablighi Jama’at’, Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, 10:1, p. 41; Amrullah, ‘Seeking sanctuary in “the age of disorder”’. ↩︎

their communion’. 10{ }^{10} Although Anderson uses this concept to explain the emergence of national groups, it can also be used to explain other forms of imagined communities. In the context of Tablighi Jama’at, it is a global community with Tablighi orientation that Tablighis imagine. Although they will never meet or know most other Tablighi members from other countries, Tablighis feel connected to and part of one umma which has the same interests and desire to perform da’wa. They are willing to sacrifice their material and non-material assets to share the responsibility to perform da’wa.

The data and evidence presented in this paper was collected between 2007 and 2008, particularly at Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah, with return visits taking place in 2009 and 2012. I employed qualitative methods of data gathering, particularly participant observation, focus groups, and in-depth interviews. During my fieldwork, I also attended and actively participated in Tablighi Jama’at activities, such as mastura 11{ }^{11} ta’lîm (religious study group for women), nusra (local help or visiting a group of women who perform khurūj), and mastura khurūj (leaving one’s own neighbourhood in order to proselytize). The number of research participants in this study was 92.

Tablighi Jama’at and Islamic institutions

The development of Tablighi Jama’at in Indonesia is due first and foremost to the establishment of the pesantren, where Tablighi subjects are taught and from where Tablighi proselytisation activities are launched. Interestingly, this contrasts somewhat with Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas’s doubt about the effectiveness of Islamic institutions in reforming those Muslims who have strayed from the pure path (i.e. those who mixed the religion with later additions from Hindu practices and traditions). 12{ }^{12} Although Ilyas once taught

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  1. 10{ }^{10} Benedict Anderson (2006). Imagined Communities, Verso, London and New York, p. 6 .
    11{ }^{11} Mastura or masturoh in Arabic literally means ‘something being covered’. Among Tablighis, mastura is generally a term referring to a woman. Some use it to refer only to a woman who has performed khurūj (to go out of one’s own neighbourhood in order to proselytize). Matters relating to women always use mastura, so the term used to define women’s khurūj is mastura khurūj (or in Indonesia it is sometimes called masturohan), and women’s ta’lîm (religious study group) is mastura ta’lîm.
    12{ }^{12} Therefore, in this sense, Tablighi Jama’at can be regarded as a purist movement because its founder strove to ‘purify’ Islam through an emphasis on returning to ↩︎

at the Mazahirul Ulum seminary in Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh 13{ }^{13} and built some small madrasas (Islamic educational institutions), 14{ }^{14} he was disappointed with the madrasa approach to Islamization. 15He{ }^{15} \mathrm{He} then created a new approach, namely missionary preaching activities, which he believed to be more efficient in spreading the true teachings of Islam. The foundation of Tablighi pesantren that meticulously teach Tablighi Jama’at’s doctrines in Indonesia can therefore be regarded as a unique effort by Indonesian Tablighis to incorporate local Indonesian pesantren culture into ‘foreign’ Tablighi practices of Islam.

The pesantren is an Indonesian educational institution that has existed from as early as the sixteenth century and is particularly prevalent on the island of Java. 16{ }^{16} Women began to have access to pesantren in 1930.171930 .{ }^{17} Since then many pesantren have begun to incorporate the national madrasa curriculum into their own. Madrasas are a newer type of educational institution launched in the twentieth century in response to the system of Dutch schooling. 18{ }^{18} The curricula introduced by madrasas are a combination of religious subjects ( 30 per cent) and non-religious or general subjects ( 70 per cent). Religious subjects offered by the madrasa system are often different from the additional religious subjects chosen by pesantren. Some religious subjects offered by the madrasas are al-Qur’an Hadist (Qur’an and hadith), Aqidah Akhlak (faith and behaviour), Fiqh
its pristine form as practised by the Prophet and his companions. See Masud, ‘The Growth and Development of Tablīghī Jamā‘at in India’.
13{ }^{13} Jan A. Ali (2010). ‘Tablīgh Jamā’at: A transnational movement of Islamic faith regeneration’, European Journal of Economic and Political Studies, 3, p. 108.
14{ }^{14} I. S. Marwah (1979). ‘Tabligh Movement among the Meos of Mewat’ in M. S. A. Rao (ed.), Social Movements in India, Manohar, New Delhi, p. 94.
15{ }^{15} Ahmad, ‘Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia’, p. 512.
16{ }^{16} Th. G. Th. Pigeaud (1967). Literature of Java, Vol. I, Synopsis of Javanese Literature 900-1900 A.D., Nijhoff, The Hague; Martin van Bruinessen (1994). ‘Pesantren and Kitab Kuning: Maintenance and Continuation of a Tradition of Religious Learning’ in W. Marschall (ed.), Text from the Islands. Oral and Written Traditions of Indonesia and the Malay World, University of Berne, Berne, pp. 121-145; Azyumardi Azra and Dina Afrianty (2005). ‘Pesantren and Madrasa: Modernization of Indonesian Muslim Society’, Workshop on Madrasa, Modernity and Islamic Education, CURA, Boston University.
17{ }^{17} Eka Srimulyani (2008). ‘Negotiating Public Sphere: Three Nyai Generations in a Jombang Pesantren’ in S. Blackburn, B. Smith and S. Syamsiyatun (eds), Indonesian Islam in a New Era: How Women Negotiate Their Muslim Identities, Monash University Press, Clayton, p. 120.
18{ }^{18} Azra and Afrianty, ‘Pesantren and Madrasa’, p. 2. The Ministry of Religious Affairs established the Directorate of Madrasah in the early 1970 and the Directorate of Pesantren in 2001 to supervise both madrasas and pesantren.

(Islamic jurisprudence), and Sejarah Islam (Islamic history). Pesantren religious subjects might consist of studying specific books in line with their particular Islamic ideology (see, for example, below on religious subjects in Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah). In 2009/2010, there were 25,78525,785 pesantren in Indonesia, 19{ }^{19} with 45.8 per cent of the total santri (student) population being female (i.e. 1,671,430 female santris). 20{ }^{20}

Islamic institutions that have a special attachment to the Tablighi Jama’at can also be found in other countries, such as the Madrasatul Niswan in India (studied by Winkelmann). 21{ }^{21} One significant similarity between Madrasatul Niswan and Tablighi pesantren in Indonesia is that the links between these formal institutions and the Tablighi Jama’at are informal. 22{ }^{22}

Yet, given the nature of pesantren in Indonesia, many aspects of Tablighi pesantren are different from those of Madrasatul Niswan. For one, the Indonesian situation is unique in that some Tablighi pesantren adopt national government curricula in addition to their own pesantren curricula. Madrasatul Niswan in India, by contrast, focuses only on religious subjects. 23{ }^{23} This is more than likely due to the fact that in Indonesia, to receive governmental accreditation that will allow graduates to seek admission to the country’s Islamic state universities, pesantren must teach a national curriculum. The Tablighi pesantren are no exception to this rule.

The Indonesian Tablighi pesantren are also different from Madrasatul Niswan in several other respects. Madrasatul Niswan was founded in 1996, long after the foundation of the TablighiJama’at in India, while the most well-known Tablighi pesantren in Indonesia-Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah-was founded many decades earlier in 1912, long before the presence of Tablighi Jama’at in Indonesia. In addition, the founder

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  1. 19{ }^{19} Bagian Perencanaan dan Data Setditjen Pendidikan Islam Kementrian Agama RI (2010). Buku Saku Statistik Ditjend PENDIS 2009/2010, <http://www.pendis. kemenag.go.id/index.php?a=artikel&id2=buku-saku>, [accessed 14 November 2013].
    20{ }^{20} Bagian Perencanaan dan Data Setditjen Pendidikan Islam Kementrian Agama RI, Buku Saku Statistik Ditjend PENDIS 2009/2010.
    21{ }^{21} Marieke J. Winkelmann (2005). From Behind the Curtain: A Study of Girls’ Madrasa in India, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam; Marieke J. Winkelmann (2006). ‘Informal links: A girls’ madrasa and Tablighi Jama’at’, ISIM Review, Spring 17, pp. 46−4746-47.
    22{ }^{22} Winkelmann, From Behind the Curtain, p. 55; Winkelmann, ‘Informal links’, p. 46. Though ties are informal, most outsiders assume that these educational institutions belong to the Tablighi Jama’at due to the affiliation of people in the educational institutions with the movement.
    23{ }^{23} See Winkelmann, From Behind the Curtain; Winkelmann, ‘Informal links’. ↩︎

and administrators of Madrasatul Niswan were associated with the Tablighi Jama’at prior to its founding, 24{ }^{24} while the leaders of two of the most well-known Indonesian Tablighi pesantren-Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah and Pesantren Sunanul Husna al-Jaiyah-were initially not associated with Tablighi Jama’at. Both pesantren only become Tablighi pesantren when those in authority started to follow the Tablighi path.

Pesantren rules, norms, and codes play an important role in the effort to produce pious children. These might be significantly different from those the children encountered before they began to attend the pesantren. For example, every pesantren has its own uniform and the most common standard for female students (santriwati) is that they have to cover their hair with veils, and for male students (santriwan) the most common uniform code is that they must wear long pants, not jeans or shorts. The uniform for Tablighi pesantren is quite different. Tablighi pesantren base their concept of proper Muslim dress on what they believe are examples set by the Prophet and his family as well as his male and female companions. Therefore the uniform is adjusted according to this understanding of what should be covered by men and women. It can be regarded as the mirror of the proper ‘uniform’ of Tablighi followers. For male students this consists of jubah (a head-to-toe wrap) and baju koko (a shirt that is one of the most common styles of Muslim dress for men in Indonesia). During the school day in Pesantren Sunanul Husna al-Jaiyah, for example, santriwan have to wear a long white jubah but not baju koko. For female students, the uniform consists of gamis 25{ }^{25} or looser 'abāya and cadar (face-veil).

Tablighi Jama’at and its pesantren in Indonesia

Since the mid-1970s Tablighi Jama’at has gained popularity among Indonesians. 26{ }^{26} One of the most important developments since then has been the transformation of the educational institution, Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah in Temboro, East Java, from a traditional Indonesian pesantren into a Tablighi type of pesantren.

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  1. 24{ }^{24} Winkelmann, ‘Informal links’, p. 46.
    25{ }^{25} Gamis/'abāya/jubah are often used interchangeably. Some women prefer the term jubah over gamis or 'abāya. They argue that gamis and 'abāya are less loose than jubah. Jubah is also used to refer to a man’s ankle-length garment. Since jubah is a more neutral term, which is also used to designate a man’s outfit, in this paper I prefer to use the term 'abāya to refer to a woman’s wrap.
    26{ }^{26} See Aziz, ‘The Jamaah Tabligh movement in Indonesia’; Azyumardi Azra (2006). Indonesia, Islam, and Democracy: Dynamics in a Global Context, Solstice, Jakarta. ↩︎

Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah, founded in 1912 by K. H. Shiddiq, was the most influential Islamic institution in the region. Originally, it had a strong connection to Nahdlatul Ulama (the largest Islamic organization in Indonesia) and to the Sufi Naqshbandiyya Khalidiyya and Qadariyya, 27{ }^{27} two of the major Sufi orders (tariqa) in Indonesia. The attachment of the Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah to the Tablighi Jama’at started during the time of K. H. Mahmud (1934-1996), the son of the founder, K. H. Shiddiq. In 1983,281983,{ }^{28} Mahmud was visited by Abdussobur, a Tablighi follower from Pakistan. The aim of his visit was to perform da’wa and to establish a good relationship (silaturrahmi) with the population of the village. Abdussobur was polite, modest, decent, and always committed to practising sunna (the exemplary path and perfect habits of the Prophet Muhammad) and he inspired Mahmud to learn more about Tablighi Jama’at. In 1988, Mahmud and his son Kyai Uzairon (the current head of Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah) decided to visit India to see at first hand the Tablighi Jama’at movement at its headquarters in Delhi. Upon their return from India, they started to call upon Muslims in Temboro to follow the Tablighi Jama’at movement. In the same year, Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah began to adopt an educational system that emphasizes Tablighi da’wa methods, such as the obligation of male and female students to perform khurūj training.

Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah has always been the main destination for Tablighis who wish to master Islamic knowledge. Students mostly come from Tablighi families, including those from neighbouring countries, such as Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines. 29{ }^{29} During the 2008-2009 school year, it had 6,438 students enrolled: 4,388 santriwan and 2,050 santriwati, making the pesantren one of the biggest in Java. The number of santriwati in the 2008-2009 school year was almost the same as those of the most

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  1. 27{ }^{27} Mawlana Muḥammad Ilyas himself was a follower of several Sufi orders, namely Chishtiyya, Suhrawardiyya, Qadiriyya, and Naqshbandiyya. See Marc Gaborieu (2006). ‘What is left of Sufism in Tablīghī Jamā‘at?’, Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions, 135, p. 57; Ali, ‘Tablīgh Jamā‘at: A transnational movement of Islamic faith regeneration’, p. 107 .
    28{ }^{28} Farish A. Noor mentions the date of Abdussobur’s arrival as 1984. See Noor, ‘The spread of the Tablighi Jama’at’, p. 41.
    29{ }^{29} See, for example, the reports of students from the Philippines who studied at Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah about the development of kerja da’wa (Tablighi activities) in their home country, in Muhammad Harits, Saifulloh Manado and Abu Kholid (2007). ‘Ketika Amanillah menjadi Manila’, al-Madinah, February 8, pp. 38-41. ↩︎

famous pesantren in Java (Pondok Pesantren KMI Gontor Putri 1 and 3), which had 2,660 santriwati each. 30{ }^{30}

Pesantren Sunanul Husna al-Jaiyah

The second pesantren of major importance to Tablighi Jama’at in Indonesia is Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah. It was established on 15 November 1982 by Ustadh Abdul Najib Al Ayyuby, known as Ustadh Najib, and is located in South Tangerang (Banten). Ustadh Najib is a graduate of the Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta. Today he is still the leader of the pesantren. Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah has also been influenced by Pondok Pesantren AlFatah. Most of its teachers are either graduates of, or at least have some experience of studying at, Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah, including the children of Ustadh Najib whose daughter is the head of the pesantren’s women’s wing.

Like Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah, Pesantren Sunanul Husna AlJaiyah originally did not have any connection to Tablighi Jama’at. Around late 1982 or early 1983, Tablighis from countries such as Pakistan, Jordan, and India visited the area and Ustadh Najib offered the visitors his pesantren as a base from which to perform their da’wa. After this visit, Ustadh Najib became interested in their da’wa’s method, especially their zeal in encouraging Muslims to practise Islam properly. He eventually joined the Tablighi Jama’at and actively called upon his students as well as the population around the pesantren to follow the path of Islam introduced by the Tablighi Jama’at. Although initially some Muslims in the area were opposed to the movement, gradually Ustadh Najib persuaded more and more of them to join.

The condition of Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah is poor and shabby, especially in comparison with other pesantren located nearby. I was struck by its condition when I first visited. Outsiders are rarely able to see the female dormitories and classrooms because their view is blocked by a big green gate. This is different from the male wing, which can be seen clearly by outsiders. In the centre of this female wing lies a small prayer room-musalla-in poor condition, which is also used as a gathering place for female students’ informal activities. They also have their own classrooms located next to the musalla for formal school activities. Although the classrooms have their own chairs

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  1. 30{ }^{30} See Bagian Perencanaan dan Data Setditjen Pendidikan Islam Kementrian Agama RI, Buku Saku Statistik Ditjend PENDIS. ↩︎

and blackboard, their condition is also below that of the standard of classrooms in other pesantren and general schools in the area. There is no glass in the windows and some walls of the classroom are only covered with thin plywood.

During its early establishment, the family of H. Sinen, who owned the land on which this pesantren is located, played a major role in supporting it. As well as the family’s assistance, the pesantren also received some financial support from donors, some of it ongoing. Today its donors are mostly from the congregation of Ustādh Najib’s majelis ta’līm (a council or a meeting place for learning Islam). Besides his role as the head of the pesantren, Ustādh Najib is also well known as a dā̄i (religious preacher), especially among Tablighi followers. According to the female head of the pesantren, Ustādha Siti Rahmah Azizah (who is also the daughter of Ustādh Najib and is known as ‘Bunda’ (mother)), the pesantren cannot depend on tuition fees from their students, because many of them come from poorer families. 31{ }^{31} According to Bunda, recently the students have only been provided with a meal twice, rather than three times, a day. She recounts:

We just decided to give them two meals per day, because everything becomes so difficult lately, especially post-9/11. We cannot afford to provide a meal three times a day.

The impact of 9/119 / 11 on this pesantren was a loss of trust by some donors due to the widespread reporting on the link between pesantren and terrorist activities. 32{ }^{32} In the past, they received funding from a US humanitarian institution, which supplied them with cooking oil and rice, but this funding stopped post-9/11.

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  1. 31{ }^{31} The tuition fees vary. Those who are able to afford it pay the full tuition fee which, during my fieldwork, was Rp. 200.000 (AUD$22.17) per month. Those who cannot afford the full tuition fee can pay as much as they are able to, and there is no limitation on this; and the tuition fee is waived for orphans who cannot afford to pay fees. As a comparison, some well-managed pondok pesantren may cost nearly AUD$100-the monthly tuition fee for Pondok Pesantren Darunnajah Jakarta in 2011, for example, was Rp. 829.000 (AUD$ 91.89).
    32{ }^{32} See also Winkelmann, From Behind the Curtain, p. 39. This link relates to the presence of some terrorists in some Indonesian pesantren. Although the number of pesantren that support militant understandings of Islam is very low, the belief that such pesantren are hubs of terrorism has increased post-9/11. See Noor, ‘Ngruki revisited’; Pam Nilan (2009). ‘The “spirit of education” in Indonesian Pesantren’, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 30:2, pp. 219-232; Noorhaidi Hasan (2010). ‘The failure of the Wahhabi campaign: Transnational Islam and the Salafi madrasa in post-9/11 Indonesia’, South East Asia Research, 18:4, pp. 675-705; Tan, Islamic Education and Indoctrination. ↩︎

When the head of the pesantren started to become active in the Tablighi Jama’at movement, the relationship between Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah and the movement became stronger. Since this pesantren has a special attachment to the Tablighi Jama’at, it is not surprising that so do many of the students’ parents. As in the case of Madrasatul Niswan in Delhi, 33{ }^{33} recruitment of students is promoted by word of mouth among followers of Tablighi Jama’at. Many of the students come to the school through their parents’ Tablighi da’wa. Annisa, 34{ }^{34} an 18-year-old student from Central Jakarta, says:
When I finished my primary school, my father was a bit confused about choosing a junior high school for me. Then, when he returned from khurūj [going out to proselytize], he told me and my mother that he already found a good school for me. His friend from khurūj informed him about this pesantren.

For those parents who are staunch supporters of this purist movement, choosing an educational institution is a very important decision because it forms part of their efforts to guide their children to true Islam and to preserve their collective identity. This pesantren’s close connection to the Tablighi Jama’at means that it appeals particularly to followers of the Tablighi, and as a result it has grown slowly in comparison with other nearby pesantren: in 1982, it had just three students, and by 2008/2009 the number had increased to 350.

This boarding school is located in a place that can be regarded as one of the most committed Tablighi communities in Indonesia, especially in Banten and Jakarta. The number of Tablighi followers living there has increased greatly since the establishment of the pesantren, which means that it is common to see women with face-veils and even young children with veils nearby. Therefore, the role of pesantren for the Tablighis in Indonesia is not confined to spreading Islamic knowledge but also includes serving as a hub for Tablighi activities. Tablighi communities will be established wherever a Tablighi pesantren is founded. The main female constituents of the movement are women living in and around the pesantren. Ustädha Rasyada, a 35-year-old teacher, stated:
During the school holiday this village is always very busy, because we welcome many karkun [male Tablighis] 35{ }^{35} and mastura [female Tablighis]. School holiday

[1]

  1. 33{ }^{33} Winkelmann, From Behind the Curtain, p. 47.
    34{ }^{34} All the names of the informants have been changed (except those of the heads of the pesantren) to preserve confidentiality.
    35{ }^{35} The minimum requirement ( ParseError: KaTeX parse error: Expected 'EOF', got '̣' at position 7: n i s ̣̲ \bar{a} b ) for khurūj for male Tablighis in Indonesia is three days in a month, 40 days in a year, two to four months in their lifetime. Religious scholars are expected to perform khurūj for one year in their lifetime. ↩︎

is the perfect moment for us to perform khurūj because we can ask our relatives to take care of our children during our absence beside taking care of their own children.

The transmission of religious knowledge: ideals of Islamic womanhood

Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah has adopted the madrasa system, which means that both Islamic and general subjects are taught there. 36{ }^{36} Since their studies have followed the national curriculum, graduates can seek admission to any Indonesian higher education institution. For example, one of the female graduates was successfully admitted to a well-known university in Indonesia through a highly competitive programme called Penelusuran Minat dan Kemampuan (Talent Scouting for Admission to State University System), a special programme dedicated to assisting bright students.

The formal madrasa programmes offered in Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah are tsanawiya (junior high school) and aliya (senior high school). In addition to these, the pesantren has its own programmes divided into four levels: i’dadiya, in which the students have to learn the basics of reading the Qur’an; diniya 1 (religion), which is aimed at students who have just started reading some classical books, often known as kitab kuning; 37{ }^{37} and diniya 2 and 3, at which level students are expected to understand more advanced classical books, such as Buluğh al-Marañ, Fath al-Qarīb, and Kifâ̄a. The books used in this pesantren are mostly the same as those found in many other pesantren in Indonesia, especially traditionalist pesantren. This is not unusual given that the pesantren initially had a close connection with Nahdlatul Ulama, one of the biggest mainstream Islamic mass organizations. The majority of pesantren in Indonesia are indeed associated with Islamic traditionalism. 38{ }^{38} In addition, the Tablighi Jama’at is not antipathetic to the system of education proposed

[1]

  1. 36{ }^{36} This is different from the subjects taught in Madrasatul Niswan in Delhi, which teaches only religious subjects (see Winkelmann, 2005, p. 47).
    37{ }^{37} Kitab kuning (yellow books) refers to classical Arabic texts of Islamic law, theology or mysticism. For a very interesting study on kitab kuning, see Martin van Bruinessen (1990). ‘Kitab kuning: Books in Arabic script used in the pesantren milieu’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, 146:2/3, pp. 226-269.
    38{ }^{38} See also Angel Rabasa (2006). ‘Islamic education in Southeast Asia’, Current Trends in Islamist Ideology, 2, p. 101; Ann Kull (2009). ‘At the forefront of a postpatriarchal Islamic education: female teachers in Indonesia’, Journal of International Women’s Studies, 11:1, p. 25. ↩︎

by Nahdlatul Ulama. They acknowledge the success of Nahdlatul Ulama pesantren in producing experts in Islamic studies, which is attested to by the number of Tablighi followers who attend Nahdlatul Ulama pesantren, including Ustaādh Najib’s daughters. What mainly distinguishes Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah from Nadhlatul Ulama pesantren is the use of some core Tablighi books, especially Fadā̄’il al-A’māl (Virtues of Everyday Actions) by Mawlana Muḥammad Zakariyya Kandhalawi, the nephew of Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas.

The transmission of Tablighi doctrines is evident in the curriculum of the pesantren. Reading Fadā̄’il al-A’māl every day is a characteristic of every pesantren that has an informal relationship with the movement, including Madrasatul Niswan in India. 39{ }^{39} This text is an important element of the subculture of Tablighi pesantren. It should be noted, however, that there is no obligation for Indonesian educational institutions that have a special connection with the Tablighi Jama’at to read this work. The headquarters of Tablighi Jama’at in India and Indonesia also never requested Indonesian Tablighi pesantren to make reading Tablighi books obligatory. According to Bunda, the headquarters only issue targhib (encouragement) to all followers of Tablighi path to read this book at least once a day.

Besides Fadā̄il al-A’māl, the students also do muzākara (memorization) of the six sifat (the six principles of the basic tenets of the movement) and read other Tablighi books, namely Fadā̄il alSadaqāt (The Virtues of Charity) by Mawlana Muḥammad Zakariyya and Muntakhab Ahādīth (A collection of hadīth) by Mawlana Muḥammad Yusuf Kandhalawi. They read all these books for 30 minutes after Zuhr prayer (noon prayer). In addition to these books, some Tablighi pesantren, such as Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah, read Hayātu al-Sahāba (Lives of the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad) by Mawlana Muhammad Yusuf Kandhalawi.

One of the rules within Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah is that every room should have a copy of Fadā̄’il al-A’māl as students must read it after 'Isha (nightfall) prayer in their rooms to mark the end of their activities for the day. In addition, they also have to do muhāsaba (process of self-awareness and self-criticism). Usually during the muhāsaba the head of the room will ask her room members about their religious activities during the day, such as whether each of them has performed Dhuha prayer (voluntary forenoon prayer).

[1]

  1. 39{ }^{39} Winkelmann, From Behind the Curtain, p. 53. ↩︎

The link between the Tablighi Jama’at and this pesantren can be seen in the concept of ideal Islamic womanhood promoted within the pesantren milieu, which is instilled through the introduction of Islamic teachings related to women’s bodies in which wearing the faceveil is central. The curriculum for women and men is generally the same; the main difference lies in the extracurricular activities they participate in and the rules relating to women’s bodies. The norms that are prevalent in the pesantren are linked to the commitment of those in authority to introduce moral order so as to produce ideal Muslim women. Ustādh Najib, for example, gives the reason behind the formalization of wearing the face-veil:
The students should train themselves to always have commitment to their religion. It is true that there are some different opinions among 'ulam aˉ\bar{a} ’ [religious scholars] concerning the wearing of the face-veil. However, we want to provide some understanding that it is an important norm in this pesantren, because we believe that wearing the face-veil is better than not wearing it, as the Prophet’s wives had set the example of wearing it.

Besides wearing the face-veil, the efforts of the pesantren to instil ideals of Islamic womanhood can be seen in the extracurricular activities that are perceived as suitable for women. At Pesantren Sunanul Husna al-Jaiyah, these include sewing every Friday afternoon; making handicrafts like bags, arranging flowers, and cooking whenever they have free time; playing qasidah (a type of Indonesian music which originates from an ancient Arabic word ‘qasīda’ referring to religious poetry accompanied by chanting and percussion) every Sunday; salāwāt (sending blessings to the Prophet) every Friday morning; and muhädara (learning how to deliver a speech) every Thursday night. There are also some specific programmes adopted from Tablighi Jama’at’s teachings, namely khurūj (going out for da’wa) or mastura khurūj or masturohan, 40{ }^{40} which will be discussed below. The process of shaping and transmitting Tablighi doctrines proceeds without any difficulties, because students have generally internalized the importance of being committed to Tablighi teachings in the formation of the pious self. They believe that they can become good Muslim women by following the Tablighi teachings.

Pesantren masturohan

Performing masturohan within the pesantren or its neighbourhood is a practice unique to the Tabligh Jama’at. In Madrasatul Niswan in

[1]

  1. 40{ }^{40} Masturohan is a term used to identify khurūj training for women. ↩︎

India, for example, there is no such activity. Despite its reputation as a transnational movement that regards boundaries as irrelevant, 41{ }^{41} some differences can be seen both between countries and also within one country. The practice of masturohan in Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah is different from that of mastura khurūj in other Tablighi pesantren in Indonesia. Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah invented the programme of women’s masturohan outside the pesantren. Every year during the school holidays they send their students to areas in South Tangerang (Banten) and Jakarta to do this masturohan. Those who are in the last year of their junior and senior high school will be sent to places a lot further away, such as Cirebon (West Java, Indonesia). In contrast, at Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah the head of the pesantren only allows female students to practise khurūj inside the boarding school and does not send their students to neighbourhood areas. Ustädha Rasyada explains the main motives of sending female students to perform khurūj outside the boarding school:

The reason for sending these students out of the boarding school is because Ustādh Najib did not want the students to spend their school holidays by having excursion[s] without any religious meaning. He says, ‘Dari pada ke taman ria lebih baik ke taman ikhlas’ [visiting sincerity park is better than visiting fun park]. ‘Sincerity Park’ means going out to perform da’wa. Since then, we all have this opportunity to practice da’wa outside our boarding school.

Masturohan as practised in this pesantren, therefore, is not part the curriculum of Indonesian Tablighi Jama’at, but part of the creative effort of Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah to make Tablighi Jama’at’s da’wa more meaningful to the people around them. Ustādh Najib once asked permission from the headquarters of Indonesian TablighiJama’at to let him have mastura khurūj for his female students, but they refused. According to the rules of the Tablighi Jama’at, a female follower can perform mastura khurūj only with their mahram (husband; also close male kin from the woman’s immediate family). Eventually, Ustādh Najib decided not to use the term mastura khurūj for this practice, but pengenalan (the introduction), 42{ }^{42} known among the people in the pesantren as masturohan.

All the rituals in this masturohan practice are exactly the same as those of mastura khurūj. For example, before they are sent to their

[1]

  1. 41{ }^{41} See, for example, Tahmina Rashid (2006). ‘Radical Islamic movements: Gender construction in Jamaat-i-Islami and Tabligh-i-Jamaat in Pakistan’, Strategic Analysis, 30:2, p. 357 .
    42{ }^{42} ‘The introduction’ means an introduction to the work of da’wa in TablighiJama’at. ↩︎

destination, the head of the pesantren gives them bayan (advice), which is the same as that of the real mastura khurūj. They also have to spend three days at their destination. The only difference is that they do masturohan with their friends, not with their real mahram.

Becoming part of a global umma: nuṣra (local help or visiting a group of women who perform khurūj)

The global network of religious learning among Tablighi followers in Indonesia is reflected in the fact that Tablighi pesantren often send their students to study at Tablighi educational institutions in India (especially to Nizamuddin near Delhi), Pakistan (especially to Raiwind, the national headquarters of the movement), and in Karachi (at Binoria University). 43{ }^{43} For example, Ustādh Najib’s son-in-law is continuing his studies at the Tablighi Jama’at centre in Raiwind. It should be noted, however, those who are sent to these Tablighi educational institutions are mostly men. 44{ }^{44}

Up to now, young Indonesian female Tablighis have not had the chance to study abroad. This is different from young female Tablighis from neighbouring countries (especially Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand) who are able to study at the most well-known Tablighi pesantren in Indonesia, Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah. The main issue preventing young Indonesian female Tablighis from studying abroad is lack of funding. Although the number of Tablighis from wealthy families is increasing, the staunchest supporters of Tablighi still come from poorer families. 45{ }^{45}

This brings us to a second reason why Indonesian Tablighis tend to study in their own country rather than abroad. Since the pesantren are the primary places of recruitment of the Tabligh in Indonesia, there is a perception that their quality is quite good. Ummu Rayhana, a 37 -year-old teacher in pesantren, says:

[1]

  1. 43{ }^{43} Noor, ‘The spread of the Tablighi Jama’at’, p. 42.
    44{ }^{44} In addition to this, female students also cannot attend international jord pelajar (student gatherings) held in other countries as they are open only to male students. This is because one of the aims of this meeting is to enable people in Tablighi to send these young male students to perform da’wa at least once during their weekend.
    45{ }^{45} Santi Rozario (2006). ‘The new burqa in Bangladesh: Empowerment or violation of women’s rights?', Women’s Studies International Forum, 29, p. 37 I. ↩︎

The reason why it is hard to find any single young female Indonesian Tablighi who studies in a Tablighi educational institution abroad is because of financial problems. In addition, what I know is that the Tablighi educational institution in Indonesia is also good. This can be seen for example from the presence of foreign Tablighi students in Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah. When I performed khurūj in Thailand, last week [May 2012], I met some graduates of Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah. I felt proud to be an Indonesian Tablighi because people from other countries study in our country which means that they know [appreciate] the quality of our educational institution.

Wealthy Tablighi followers in Indonesia tend to send their daughters to non-Tablighi educational institutions. Ibu Usman, a 48-year-old woman with three children, shares her thoughts on her children’s schooling:

I know that nowadays there are some da’wa [Tablighi] educational institutions in Indonesia. Me, myself, I prefer to send my daughter to a better educational institution than those of da’wa, because for me getting knowledge can be everywhere as long as our knowledge later on can be useful for the development of Islam.

A third important reason why young Indonesian female Tablighi students tend not to study abroad is because they have internalized one of the Tablighi teachings, namely, the prohibition against going out without the company of their non-marriageable male kin. For the majority of Indonesian Tablighis, it is only acceptable for married couples to go abroad for khurūj activities, which is related to the Islamic teaching that it is forbidden for a woman to go out without their mahram. In support of this, some Tablighi 'ulam a⃗\vec{a} ’ quote a hadith narrated by Ibn 'Umar that the Messenger of Allah (the Prophet Muhammad) said: ‘A woman must not travel for three days except with a mahram.’ Maulana Ashiq Elahi Bulandshahri, a leading Indian Tablighi scholar, argues that women should be hidden 'even more carefully than silver, gold and precious stones 46{ }^{46} and that women who are in public without their mahram can lead to fitna. 47{ }^{47} Tablighis believe that this rule and practice is based on the model of al-salaf al- sālih (the first three generations of pious forefathers, including the first generation of the Prophet Muhammad).

[1]

  1. 46{ }^{46} Quoted in Sikand, ‘Women and the Tablighi Jama’at’, pp. 46-47.
    47{ }^{47} Fitna literally means infatuation, riot, trial, scandal, and disgrace. In the context of the link between the outward appearance of women and fitna, it means that improperly dressed females can provoke sexual temptation, which threatens order and stability. See Sikand, ‘Women and the Tablighi Jama’at’, p. 47. ↩︎

Although their mobility is restricted, young female Tablighis do experience the feeling that they are a part of global umma, not only through their attachment to this transnational reform movement but also from their experience of meeting fellow Muslims from other countries who belong to the same network. Female students are able to interact with fellow Tablighi members from neighbouring countries when these foreign Tablighis visit their pesantren, and also when they meet groups of foreign female Tablighis who perform da’wa in the vicinity of the pesantren. Ummu 'Afiya, a teacher at Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah, recounts how she felt when she met foreign Tablighis while a student at Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah:

When I was still a student at Pondok Pesantren Al-Fatah, I had lots of foreign friends from neighbouring countries. Mostly, they came from Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore. Getting to know them for us as students was so exciting. We felt that although we came from different countries, we share the same things related to religion. That moment also strengthened my belief in the beauty of Islam and kerja da’wa [da’wa activity or Tablighi activities]. After a while, I even felt that there was no difference between me and them. We were the same. We wanted to learn the true Islam.

Ummu 'Afiyah’s statement indicates that meeting people from different countries and belonging to the Tablighi Jama’at make her feel that she is part of a global Islamic community. Aisyah, a-17-year old student, shared her story of getting to know people from other countries:

Knowing that we have friends from other countries who are also part of kerja da’wa has made me believe that no matter what skin colour we have, we are all sisters in Islam. We are here in this pesantren to study the same thing about Islam. People often think that we are backward and oppressed women, especially when they see our uniform [face-veil]. What they do not know is that we feel more modern than many of them. This can be seen clearly that our friends or even sisters in Islam are not only from Indonesia.

Aisyah felt that being part of the global umma is a sign that she is a modern Muslim. She demonstrates her belief that having foreign friends is one of the characteristics of being ‘modern,’ which in this context can be understood as ‘cool’. Her statement also indicates that for some young people in Indonesia, having foreign friends is still regarded as something amazing and extraordinary. In addition, Aisyah believes that belonging to the Tablighi Jama’at movement has made her part of a global imagined Muslim community. This feeling is usually strengthened when young Indonesian female Tablighis are able to travel across the globe for da’wa activities with their

mahram after they get married. These young students believe that after they graduate from the pesantren marriage will open up their chances of making deeper connections with fellow Tablighis around the world, especially when they perform khurūj to India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Falisa, a 16-year-old student, says:

I like khurūj. I am glad that this pesantren teaches us khurūj. Later when I already have a mahram haqiqi [real mahram], 48{ }^{48} my husband [while giggling], I want to join him in khurūj inside Indonesia and abroad. Although we have practiced khurūj in this pesantren, I am sure it will be very different when we do the true khurūj with our real mahram.

As well as the presence of foreign Tablighis in their pesantren, visiting foreigner mastura khurūj is also an important aspect of strengthening their passionate desire to be part of the global Tablighi umma. Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah has been an important destination for mastura khurūj from foreign countries. When these foreign Tablighis arrive, the head of the pesantren usually allows the students to visit them (nuṣra). The experience of meeting people from other countries who also perform khurūj in Indonesia is, for most of these students, an unforgettable moment. Afrah, a-19-year old student, says:

We were always very excited when we were allowed to visit foreign mastura [female Tablighi]. They were all very kind to us. I felt that they treated us like their own daughters as we were a lot younger than them. They often prepare something for us, small treats such as candy from their countries.

One of the teachers, Ummu Ulya, also recounted her story of when she was still a student at Pesantren Sunanul Husna Al-Jaiyah:

What I remember about meeting these foreign Tablighis is that they often cooked traditional food from their countries. As young children, of course, we were so excited to taste new things. When we met them, the situation was always like meeting our big sisters or even mothers. They were very nice to us. One thing that I will not forget is that after my first meeting with foreign Tablighis, I felt that I had to speak English properly so that I can feel closer to my sisters in Islam.

Here we can see the way in which Afrah and Ummu Ulya imagine their belonging to the global Tablighi community. Their everyday lived religious experiences can also be a clue as to how aspects of religious globalization develop. Peggy Levitt argues that, 'By paying attention

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  1. 48{ }^{48} Mahram haqiqi is a term used among Tablighis to refer especially to a husband. ↩︎

to everyday lived religious experience, it is possible to see where and how religious globalization is really happening. 49{ }^{49} Nafisah, a 19-yearold student who had just graduated from Pesantren Sunanul Husna al-Jaiyah, recounts her story visiting foreign mastura when she was at the pesantren:

I had a very interesting experience meeting foreign Tablighis. When my father enrolled me in this pesantren, I was a bit sad because I do not like wearing the face-veil. However, after visiting foreign Tablighis during their mastura khurūj I felt so embarrassed to myself. It was amazing when I saw foreign face-veil wearers who were active in kerja da’wa. Although it was my first meeting with them, it seemed that we were part of a big family. Since then, I decided to always wear the face-veil. I will also follow them to be active in kerja da’wa.

Nafisah’s experience shows that sharing the same ideology with foreigners has made her more confident in adopting Tablighi teachings. For her, seeing foreigners wear face-veils is more impressive than when her Indonesian sisters do so. When I asked her why it is different, she said:

I do not know. It is hard to explain. It just feels different when you see that people from different countries actually have the same ideology as you. It has strengthened my belief of the true teachings of this kerja da’wa which is proven from the presence of foreigners supporting this da’wa.

Nafisah’s feeling is also the same as that of Ustādha Rasyada. She recounted her story of meeting foreign female Tablighis when she was still a student at Pesantren Sunanul Husna al-Jaiyah:

I remembered during my school year there was a jama’a mastura [a group of female Tablighis] from Malaysia. It was in 1997. We visited them and they gave us face-veils. Many of us were so excited with the gifts. Many of us loved to try to wear them even. At that time many of us still did not know much about Tabligh. Therefore by meeting them we became aware of this kerja da’wa or usaha da’wa [da’wa activities] and aware of what we should do as Muslim women.

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  1. 49{ }^{49} Peggy Levitt (2006). ‘God needs no passport: Trying to define the new boundaries of belonging’, Harvard Divinity Bulletin, 34:3, <http://www.hds.harvard.edu/ news-events/harvard-divinity-bulletin/articles/god-needs-no-passport>, (accessed on 14 November 2013). ↩︎

‘Subhāna Allāh, 50{ }^{50} I met my other sisters in Islam!’

The expression ‘Subhāna Allāh (glory be to God), I met my other sisters in Islam!’ can often be heard, particularly from married female Tablighis when they recount their experience of khurūj and meeting Muslims from other parts of the world. Married women who have gone abroad to perform khurūj often consider their experiences a dream come true.

International mastura khurūj

Barbara Metcalf has suggested that Tablighi women are ‘expected to engage in da’wa work among other women and family members’. 51{ }^{51} In practice, only those who have married and have a real mahram (a husband) have the opportunity to participate in ‘true’ international da’wa activities (i.e. in mastura khurūj). Therefore, the expression ‘Subhāna Allāh (glory be to God), I met my other sisters in Islam!’ is especially relevant to married female Tablighis who have some experience of performing khurūj in other countries. Ummu Umayyah, a 43-year-old woman who has performed khurūj abroad (in India, Bangladesh, and Malaysia), recounts her story:

My khurūj experiences are amazing. One thing that is quite extraordinary was when I had a chance to perform khurūj in India and Bangladesh in 2008. What I noticed is I could feel strong Islamic bonds with everyone whom we met. Although our skin colours are different and we did not speak the same languages, we are all sisters belonging to one big umma. Subhāna Allāh we can sit together to praise God and ask His blessing.

Ummu Umayyah’s account indicates that her feeling of becoming a part of global umma has been an extraordinary experience. She went for khurūj to India and Bangladesh for two months with three other couples from Indonesia. When they arrived in Nizamuddin and before they were placed in local Tablighi houses for two nights each, they met other Tablighis who were also on their khurūj. They came from diverse countries, such as Yemen, Saudi Arabia, France, Australia, Kazakhstan, and Fiji. Since she was the one who spoke the best English

[1]

  1. 50{ }^{50} Literally: ‘God is pure from all faults/all glory be to God’.
    51{ }^{51} Barbara Metcalf (1996). ‘Islam and women: The case of the Tablighi Jama’at’, SEHR, 5:1, p. 7 . ↩︎

in her group, she became their interpreter. 52{ }^{52} When I asked her how she interacted with other Tablighis and how she did da’wa activities with people from other countries who were perhaps not able to speak English, she replied:

For outsiders, language might be a huge problem in our da’wa. However, we did not see it as a problem. Remember, we were there for Allah not for vacation. It was Allah yang memahamkan kita [who enabled us to understand each other].

When pressed for details about how exactly this could work, she said that they mainly interacted with each other by reciting verses of the Qur’an or hadith. Usually when one recites the Qur’an, others will respond to it by reciting the same verse or verses as a way of feeling connected. She explained that this was enough since ‘di sana kita hanya berbicara kebesaran Allah’ (we were there only to discuss about God’s greatness). Therefore, it is the language of Islam (Qur’an and hadith) that creates the bond and the feeling of being part of one umma. For very basic daily interaction, such as how to ask for certain things (water, food, and directions), she said that almost all of them were learning new languages on the spot. Now, having been in India and Bangladesh for two months she is familiar with some words in Hindi and Bengali.

This bond of sisterhood was also strengthened when Indonesian couples had to work with other couples from different countries to perform their khurūj together. For Ummu Umayyah, since there were only three couples from Indonesia who were going to perform khurūj in India and Bangladesh with her, the board of Syuro (Shuī̄a or leadership board) decided to pair them with two other couples from Fiji. Being with one group of khurūj and doing da’wa activities with them for two months also strengthened their Islamic bond.

Another experience that contributes to the feeling of being a part of global umma is that of being warmly welcomed and accepted by their foreign sisters in Islam. Ummu Rayhana, who just returned from her khurūj in Thailand for 15 days, recounts her story:

[1]

  1. 52{ }^{52} This language barrier is also an issue when foreign Tablighis come to Indonesia for mastura khurūj. Usually when there is a ta’līm (reciting some Tablighi books, especially Fadā̄’il al-A’māl) led by a foreign Tablighi, then someone will sit next to her and act as an interpreter and communicate with her about the passage that she is going to read. The interpreter will also provide information about the passage to those following the ta’līm. ↩︎

For me the most unforgettable moment when I did this khurūj is the way they welcomed us. Their ikrom [good behaviour towards others, including serving their needs] was a lot better than that of ours. We were like their very close relatives who just came back home. They served us like we were their King and Queen. We had never met them before, but what we felt was that Islam and especially this kerja da’wa had united us. For me, it was like a dream come true. When I was in the pesantren I could only imagine meeting these foreign Tablighis and the beauty of meeting them in kerja da’wa.

Ummu Rayhana and Ummu Umayyah’s experiences of performing khurūj and their feeling of being part of the global umma can be regarded as the actualization of the dreams of many young female Tablighi students.

Conclusion

The presence of Tablighi pesantren in Indonesia has strengthened the network of religious learning for female students both here and in other countries. The transmission of religious knowledge from Tablighi teachings has been supported by the establishment of these pesantren. There is no standard global curriculum for Tablighi educational institutions, despite its transnational character. This is borne out by the curricula adopted by Tablighi pesantren in Indonesia, which differ from those of educational institutions in India, the Tablighi Jama’at’s country of origin. However, whether in India or Indonesia, the leaders of the schools believe that these educational institutions can be a solid base from which to launch da’wa activities. The pesantren can introduce youngsters and the people living around the pesantren to the doctrine of Tablighi da’wa. The details of the curricula of these institutions might be different, but the aims of their activities are the same.

This paper demonstrates that the establishment of Tablighi pesantren has produced a new type of young Tablighi who are well versed in both religious and secular subjects. The link between the Tablighi Jama’at and these pesantren can be seen particularly in the type of ideal Islamic womanhood promoted within the pesantren milieu which is instilled through the introduction of Islamic teachings related to women.

Tablighi pesantren in Indonesia have also acted as a bridge between Tablighi women from diverse countries. For most young Indonesian Tablighi women, the presence of foreign Tablighi students and overseas female guests in their pesantren has helped strengthen their

commitment to Tablighi Jama’at. Foreign Tablighis who perform mastura khurūj in Indonesia also play a significant role in strengthening their aspiration to be part of the global Tablighi umma. Globalizationin the sense of the transmission of ideas across national borders-and the opportunities it creates for travel and exchange has enabled these students not only to find new forms of Islam but different opportunities that can help them to achieve their aspiration to be true Muslim women. Therefore, this paper also demonstrates the role of religion in today’s global world and the transnational dimensions of Tablighi Jama’at. Female Tablighis in this study displayed a strong sense of belonging to global imagined Tablighi community. They believe that people from different countries are their brothers and sisters who are also active in usaha da’wa or kerja da’wa and have the same goal of bringing themselves closer to Islam, and invite others to do the same. Despite the presence of local variations in some aspects of their education, the global imagined community that they hold in their minds has helped them to strengthen their determination to continue supporting the development of usaha da’wa and being passionate followers of the Tablighi Jama’at.

The experience of married Tablighis who travel abroad together is the actualization of young Tablighi women’s aspiration to be part of the global Tablighi umma that they dreamed of when they were still in pesantren. For married female Tablighis, their feeling of being connected to a global Tablighi umma is stronger than that of the pesantren students who have not had any experience of being together with foreign Tablighis in kerja da’wa or usaha da’wa. The most common expression used by the women who have been abroad for khurūj (going out to proselytize) is: ‘Subhāna Allāh (glory be to God), I can feel the real Islamic sisterhood in here. We are all sisters.’ This expression not only indicates their feeling of being part of a global Tablighi umma, but also how their religious beliefs have been affected by their experiences. All the Tablighi women who have been able to join in da’wa activities from their pesantren or perform the actual khurūj with their husbands emphasize that upon their return from their Tablighi activities, they become more religious. These international da’wa activities serve to remind these women of their actual goal of living in this worldnamely, to be obedient towards God’s rules. In that, they feel at one with their sisters, irrespective of differing cultures and languages.