Accusative Case in Slavic PPs (original) (raw)

The Adessive Case in Polish: A Cognitive Perspective On Some Locative Prepositions

Pozna? Studies in Contemporary Linguistics

The aim of this paper is to show that what is considered in Polish as one heterogeneous LOCATIVE case in the 'formal' approach only on the surface seems rather complex and appears to lack any natural order. Due to the limited size of the paper, focus will be laid only on one locative case, the ADESSIVE, representing the static external locative, expressing different aspects of a relationship outside an entity and describing the "location 'on top of' or 'near', 'owner' or 'instrument' by means of which an action is performed" (Karlsson 1999: 115). It has no single linguistic equivalent in Polish; instead it is represented by several prepositions, such as na + LOC 'on', przy + LOC 'by' and u + GEN 'at', etc., reflecting different aspects of proximity and coincidence in space. Taking just the case of the ADESSIVE relation, data observations based on the IPI PAN Corpus of Polish allow us to claim that although each preposition is responsible for a different aspect of the external spatial relation, they complement one another and are related in a family resemblance fashion, expressing an adessive relation. .

Case Marking and Definiteness in Slavic Appositional Constructions

Slovene, 2023

This paper is a corpus-based study of Slavic appositional constructions. Out of material taken from seven Slavic languages, two aspects of the morphosyntax of close appositions in Slavic are considered: case concord and defi niteness marking. The fi rst section of the paper considers the factors that aff ect case concord in appositions in Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, Czech, Polish, Croatian, and Slovenian. Based on the data of the corpora it is shown that in all seven languages, inherent plurality and frequency of proper names signifi cantly aff ect the probability of concord being present. Moreover, it is shown that the likelihood of concord diff ers across cases, and almost all languages considered follow the case hierarchy GEN>DAT>LOC>INS.

Spatial Concepts in Slavic A Cognitive Linguistic Study of Prepositions and Cases. Introductory remarks. Harrassowitz Verlag 2008.

The focus of this book is how Slavic languages represent spatial relations, and how spatial cognition and perception influence the understanding and linguistic coding of nonspatial domains. Individual analyses concentrate on the semantics of selected prepositions and cases in Bosnian/ Croatian/ Serbian (B/ C/ S), providing a comparative perspective on other Slavic languages, primarily Russian and Polish. The opening analysis discusses the main theoretical notion - metaphorical extension - exemplifying the relation of spatial usages of linguistic items to non-spatial usages. This is followed by an analysis of the most basic spatial relations, "in-ness" and "on-ness." The meaning network of prepositions equivalent to on and in helps explain the meaning of the cases they combine with: the accusative and locative. Another crucial spatial relation, proximity, is taken into account in the semantic analysis of the B/ C/ S prepositions kod and pri, their Slavic equivalents, and cases they combine with: the genitive and locative. The next chapter deals with the spatial meaning of the dative case, examining dative's prepositional usages, the bare directional dative in B/ C/ S, and the semantic relation of the bare directional dative to other meaning domains of this case.

Prepositions and Verbal Prefixes: The Case of Slavic

This monograph is concerned with prepositional elements in Slavic languages, prepositions, verbal prefixes and functional elements of prepositional nature. It argues that verbal prefixes are incorporated prepositions projecting its argument structure in the complement position of the verbal root. The meaning of prefixes is based on the two-argument meaning of prepositions, which is enriched with the CAUSE operator, which conjoins the state denoted by the prepositional phrase and the event expressed by the verbal root. This accounts for various effects of prefixation. The book investigates idiomaticity in the realm of prefixed verbs and proposes a novel analysis of non-compositional prefixed verbs. The non-compositional interpretation arises inter alia because of the fact that either the meaning of the verbal part or the meaning of the prepositional part is shifted by means of Nunberg’s (1995) predicate transfer in the course of the derivation. This study also offers a uniform analysis of cases: prepositional as well as non-prepositional cases are treated as a reflection of the operation Agree between Tense-features and phi-features. It presents a new model of prepositional case assignment, in which the type of prepositional case is determined by semantic properties of particular heads of the decomposed preposition. Furthermore, it investigates prepositional movement from diachronic perspective. It is shown that prepositions can be grammaticalised as a functional element of the higher clausal structure.

Spatial Concepts in Slavic: A Cognitive Linguistic Study of Prepositions and Cases. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2008.

2008

The focus of this book is how Slavic languages represent spatial relations, and how spatial cognition and perception influence the understanding and linguistic coding of nonspatial domains. Individual analyses concentrate on the semantics of selected prepositions and cases in Bosnian/ Croatian/ Serbian (B/ C/ S), providing a comparative perspective on other Slavic languages, primarily Russian and Polish. The opening analysis discusses the main theoretical notion - metaphorical extension - exemplifying the relation of spatial usages of linguistic items to non-spatial usages. This is followed by an analysis of the most basic spatial relations, "in-ness" and "on-ness." The meaning network of prepositions equivalent to on and in helps explain the meaning of the cases they combine with: the accusative and locative. Another crucial spatial relation, proximity, is taken into account in the semantic analysis of the B/ C/ S prepositions kod and pri, their Slavic equivalents, and cases they combine with: the genitive and locative. The next chapter deals with the spatial meaning of the dative case, examining dative's prepositional usages, the bare directional dative in B/ C/ S, and the semantic relation of the bare directional dative to other meaning domains of this case.

Decomposing Prepositional Cases in Russian and Polish

This paper is concerned with prepositional cases in Russian and Polish. It treats prepositional cases on a par with structural cases as a reflection of the operation Agree between -features and Tense-features. The type of the assigned prepositional case is determined by semantic properties of particular heads of the decomposed preposition. There is a correspondence between semantic properties of particular heads and their syntactic features. Syntactic features of heads incorporated into the case assigning head are copied on the prepositional complement by Agree. At the level of PF, these features are spelled out as a case by means of a specific vocabulary insertion rule. This approach derives case properties of simple and complex prepositions as well as adverbial prepositions.

The prepositional aspect of Slavic prefixes and the goal-source asymmetry

Proceedings of ESSLLI workshop on Formal Semantics and Cross-Linguistic Data, ed. H. de Hoop & J. Zwarts, 47-56 , 2005

The aim of this paper is twofold. First, I will apply the framework of prepositional aspect, proposed by Zwarts (to appear) for English locative and directional prepositions, to the semantics of Russian and Czech prefixes on motion verbs. Furthermore, I will extend the account of measure phrase modification with locative PPs provided by and to directional PPs. I will show that an apparent aspectual asymmetry between Czech goal-and source-oriented prefixes addressed in , namely that only the latter but not the former can be modified by measure phrases, is more fine-grained in that it follows from the semantics of spatial expressions rather than from an aspectual opposition between these two types of prefixes. Specifically, I will show that there is, in fact, no aspectual difference: both types are telic.