Who is Ahok? (original) (raw)
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THE EFFECT OF BASUKI " AHOK " TJAHAYA PURNAMA LEADERSHIP STYLE ON INDONESIA DEMOCRACY (2012–2016
The writer attempts to describe analytically the figure-based leadership effect on Jakarta sustainable democracy. On 28 November 2014, the inauguration of Basuki " Ahok " Tjahaja Purnama, as governor of Jakarta is a constitutional. All efforts to block his oath-taking ceremony, including claims that the governor must be elected by the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) are unconstitutional. In Indonesia legal system, the DPRD has no authority to block Ahok's inauguration. The presidential system shows that the president, governors, mayors, and regents must be elected directly by the people, not through parliament. The installation of Ahok as governor is a victory for pluralism. For the first time Jakarta is governed by an ethnic Chinese and Christian. This is reflection of equal political rights for all citizens being implemented. The Pancasila community was born on the basis of mutual respect of one's citizenship, from whatever ethnic group the person comes from or which religion he or she adheres to.. The people opposing Ahok's rise to the governorship seem to have a mental block about Jakarta being governed by a non-Muslim. He happens to be a double minority, which he is a Christian and a Chinese. The appointment of Ahok effectively destroys all efforts towards ice-block of sectarianism. To conclude, in the future, state officials must be people who have the capacity and the integrity, without considering their minority position. Jakarta needs to return to order and stability, from cleaning up squatter settlements to getting rid of criminal elements like gangsters, bureaucracy inefficiency, and continue with the spirit begun by former Jakarta Governor Ali Sadikin.
The phenomenon of "Friends Ahok" and the Crisis of Democracy Indonesia
Suharto was betrayed and abandoned friends of his powers, ranging from ministers to the military leadership. They all fear that the changing demands of a political movement that will be expanded and radicalized if the situation does not immediately contrived calm. Suharto sacrificed, and he himself would eventually end his rule. But this was done in order to save the position of the entire Indonesian ruling class as a ruling class, that exposure Max Lane in his work, Indonesia and the Fall of Suharto. Reform comes from a state of uncertainty. Democratization project of the reform agenda is not merely a movement that came there. But more resulting from the convergence of two currents was rolling waves. The first wave is the current global capitalist restoration, a form of post-crisis recovery accumulation cycle 1990s, which was completed with neoliberalisation against Asian countries to change species of "crony capitalism" (which Soeharto and his cronies also become a target). And the second wave, is a wave of discontent with the policy of strength in the country's authoritarian New Order. But in the middle of that situation, the economic power and political cronies who had been under the auspices of the Suharto was still in a relatively strong position, both politically and economically. So that when the demands of structural reforms was rolling, they are relatively still survive. Even the implementation of structural reforms tend to run pragmatically, in the sense that the stage of implementation complies with the mission of the interests of cronies. Without prejudice to the positive impression in front of international donors.
Jakartans, Institutionally Volatile
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2014
Jakarta recently has gained even more central political attention in Indonesia since Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Basuki Purnama (Ahok) became, respectively, the province's governor and vice-governor in 2012. They started a series of eye-catching and populist programmes, drawing popular support from not only the people of Jakarta, but also among Indonesians in general. Jokowi is now even the most popular candidate for the presidential election in 2014. Their rise is phenomenal in this sense, but it is understandable if we look at Jakartan voters’ behaviour and the institutional arrangement that leads to it. Jakarta, as the national capital, has a unique arrangement in that the province has no autonomous regency or city. This paper argues that this arrangement causes Jakartans to be more politically volatile and describes how this institutional arrangement was created by analysing the minutes of the meeting to discuss the laws concerning Jakarta Province.
SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender, Women, Child, and Social Inclusion's Studies
Many Indonesian citizens reacted angrily to part of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama’s, popularly known as Ahok, video uploaded by Buni Yani to his Facebook account on October 6, 2016. The video was taken during a speech in Kepulauan Seribu where Ahok, the Governor of Jakarta, quoted one verse of Al-Qur'an, Surah Al-Maidah verse 51. Some people were filled with outrage because of Ahok’s statement, but some others were angry because, one week prior to now Yani’s infamous Facebook status, Yani added his own ‘frame’ to that clip. In that status, Yani said, with a question mark, that Ahok had defamed the religion of Islam. It caused the polarization of Indonesian civil society: pro-Ahok bloc, who believed that his words were not an insult to the holy scriptures and anti-Ahok bloc, who strongly argued that Ahok, a Christian of Chinese descent and has no Javanese root in his blood – a minority in 3 categories –, had no right to cite Quranic verses and therefore despised Islam. Consequently, he ...
Ethnic Minority Politics in Jakarta's Gubernatorial Election
ISEAS Perspective, 2017
Both candidates in the run-off election for the Jakarta governorship were members of economically successful ethnic minorities. Anies Baswedan’s Arabic ancestry aided him in this election. Incumbent governor Ahok’s Chinese minority status was clearly detrimental. The rise of identity politics challenges democratic Indonesia’s efforts to manage its ethnic and religious diversity. Arabic ancestry may prove detrimental for political candidates in upcoming elections, particularly against pribumi candidates.
Jakarta’s Political Turmoil: Post-storm Thoughts on the Moderate Muslim Mainstream
2017
Until recently, Jakarta, the hub of Indonesian politics, was caught in the eye of a storm marked by two recent events. The first involved Jakarta’s ethnic Chinese Christian Governor Basuki Tjahaja “Ahok” Purnama, who was charged in November 2016 and later convicted of a criminal act of blasphemy against Islam.[1] There followed three massive protests — organized by a coalition of hardline Islamic groups[2] and calling for the governor’s prosecution — that paralyzed the city center and threatened to drive a wedge between the country’s Muslim majority and its three million ethnic Chinese citizens.[3] The second event was Ahok’s crushing defeat in a bid for reelection in April following a divisive campaign that gave hardliners the national stage, while those moderate Islamic organizations with far larger followings appearing, according to some commentators, as having essentially remained on the sidelines.[4]
Ahok's Satisfied Non-voters: An Anatomy
New Mandala, 2017
Much of the debate on Jakarta’s recent gubernatorial elections, in which the Chinese-Christian incumbent Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (or ‘Ahok’) was defeated in a landslide, has focused on the role of religion (and, interrelatedly, ethnicity) in sealing Ahok’s fate. While some observers have viewed religious identity politics as the most decisive factor in the elections, others have pointed to class differences and Ahok’s unpopular policies as equally significant.