Government Lawyers and the New Deal (original) (raw)

1996, Columbia Law Review

On March 29, 1937, America's constitutional landscape changed forever. A series of Supreme Court decisions upholding state and federal efforts to combat the Depression lowered Commerce Clause and other barriers to centralized planning. These decisions cleared the way for launching the administrative state. ' On April 26, 1995, the Supreme Court called into question the wisdom and continuing vitality of that constitutional revolution, ruling for the first time in sixty years that a federal statute exceeded the power of Congress under the Commerce Clause.2 While it is too early to tell whether this return to "first principles"3 will prove to be "epochal"4 or merely a blip that will disappear from the radar screen altogether, this possible return of a "'Constitution-in-exile' "15may soon give New Deal nay-sayers another nail to hammer into the coffin of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's increasingly beleaguered legacy.6 Moglen for reading a preliminary draft of this Review. Thanks also to Rod Ingram and Dan Pringle for research assistance, and to the editors and staff of the Columbia Law Review for their care and persistence.

Constitutionalism after the New Deal

Harvard Law Review, 1987

In recent years, the failure of administrative agencies to implement congressional programs faithfully and effectively has called into question the wisdom of the central institutional innovations of the New Deal: the expansion of the regulatory state and the shift in power from the states to the federal government. In this Article, Professor Sunstein challenges the New Deal more fundamentally, examining not only the institutional changes themselves, but also the shift in constitutional commitments that underlay those reforms. Professor Sunstein identifies three aspects of New Deal constitutionalism: the rejection of the original constitutional commitment to checks and balances in favor of independent and insulated regulatory administration, the recognition of substantive entitlements beyond those protected at common law, and the abandonment of principles of federalism that vested regulatory authority in both the federal government and the states. Professor Sunstein argues that many of the present failures of regulatory administration particularly the problems of agency capture and factionalismcan be traced to the New Deal's failure to incorporate the original constitutional commitment to checks and balances into regulatory administration. The remedy, he suggests, is to reinvigorate the commitment to checks and balances through a system of coordinated review of agency action that includes a strong supervisory role for each of the three branches of governmentthe executive, the judiciary, and Congress. In addition, Professor Sunstein maintains that the protection of new entitlements during the New Deal was a natural and justified outgrowth of the recognition by New Deal reformers that the common law itself favors some social interests over others. He suggests that this substantive aspect of the New Deal should be incorporated into modern public law, in which common law categories persist despite the insights of New Deal reformers. Finally, Professor Sunstein argues that the third aspect of New Deal constitutionalismthe emphasis on national rather than local control of regulatory issueshas been carried too far, depriving citizens of the opportunity to participate meaningfully in the debate over the terms of their social life.

A switch in time saves nine: Institutions, strategic actors, and FDR's court-packing plan

Public Choice, 2002

President Roosevelt's attempt to add as many as six additional justices to the Supreme Court through his infamous "court-packing plan" of 1937 has long been heralded as a misuse of presidential power that nearly undermined the integrity of our constitutional system. Using an analytic narrative framework, we offer an alternative theoretical account of the events and argue that Roosevelt used the proposal to obtain his immediate goal: a shift in policy direction of the Court. Our framework is supported with historical evidence, suggesting that all of the actors were acting rationally by attempting to maximize their payoffs.

Dimensions of Conflict in the Court-Packing Controversy in America 1936-1937

Folia Historica Cracoviensia, 2019

1936 brought a lot more than the re-election of president Franklin Delano Roosevelt. It was also a year which brought a broad and radical challenge to the New Deal reform policies. American democracy demonstrated its com­plexity and unfinishedness. The conflict between FDR and the Supreme Court has many dimensions: institutional – conflict between the govern­ment (the president, Congress and the Administration) and the US Supre­me Court over the range of powers of each actor; political – regarding the accountability of political elites; socio-economic – regarding the direction of development of American democracy; philosophical – over the meaning of liberty; legal – regarding the separation of powers between the levels of government; personal – between persons and personalities represen­ting divergent visions of power; and historical – reviving the constitutional debates from the early republic. For some, the clash between FDR and the USSC touched the very essence of the representat...

Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court

Journal of American History, 2011

A stunning work of history."―Doris Kearns Goodwin, author of No Ordinary Time and Team of Rivals Beginning in 1935, the Supreme Court's conservative majority left much of FDR's agenda in ruins. The pillars of the New Deal fell in short succession. It was not just the New Deal but democracy itself that stood on trial. In February 1937, Roosevelt struck back with an audacious plan to expand the Court to fifteen justices―and to "pack" the new seats with liberals who shared his belief in a "living" Constitution. 16 pages black-and-white photographs

The New Deal Constitution in Exile

Duke Law Journal, 2001

Judge Douglas Ginsburg's evocative phrase "the Constitution-in-Exile" 1 recalls the New Dealers' battle against the classical liberal Constitution fashioned in the Lochner era. For Ginsburg, the Supreme Court's embrace of the New Deal revolution cast the old Constitution into exile, its memory "kept alive by a few scholars who labor on in the hope of a restoration, a second coming of the Constitution of liberty." 2 Until that day, Ginsburg and other restorationist scholars lament, the old Constitution's fundamental commitments-to limited national government and due regard for states' rights, to economic liberty and the rights of property-will remain forsaken. 3 Constitutional culture will remain marred by a "double standard," 4 vigilance in the name of personal and political liberty forever mocking an indifference to economic liberty. National government will remain a swollen and intrusive bureaucratic enterprise that

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