Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies: How parties organize in the 21st century (original) (raw)

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies

Party Politics, 2016

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity...

Time after time: party organizational strength in new and old democracies

Opinião Pública, 2019

The ‘time factor’ has not been systematically considered in cross-national studies on party organizations. Relying on the largest dataset to date on party organizations, namely the Political Party Database Project (PPDB), the article tests the impact of time as a two-level variable (duration of democracy and age of parties) on parties’ organizational strength in new and established democracies. We add original data from three Latin American countries to the nineteen countries covered by the first PPDB database (132 parties overall). The results suggest that parties in established democracies have less members and more money than those of newer democracies. Among the latter, the greater capacity for mass mobilization produces stronger parties—as in Latin America—compared to the Eastern European countries. The findings challenge the traditional view of the exceptional weakness of Latin American parties and point to the importance of time as a multilevel variable: besides the national ...

Beyond the Catch‐All Party: Approaches to the Study of Parties and Party Organization in Contemporary Democracies

Political Parties, 2002

There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and interaction between theory and data. This chapter is a preliminary effort, and focuses primarily on parties in established liberal democracies. The first half examines the adequacy of existing party categories in light of the literature in sections entitled: Categories and concepts in the comparative literature; Cadre versus mass parties; and Parties of mass integration, catch‐all parties, and beyond’ (to the cartel party). The second half considers ways in which contemporary parties might be compared in sections entitled: New bases for classification? Vote‐seeking, office‐seeking, and policy‐seeking parties; and Patterns of change in Western European parties.

"Contemporary trends in party organization: Revisiting intra-party democracy"

Party organization has regained a new momentum in the party literature over the past decade. Within this context, we review the most important advances in the literature and critically examine issues such as: the link between party organization literature and organizational theory literature, between party organization and intra-party democracy or between party organization on paper and in reality. We ascertain the need for more conceptual clarifications in the field and raise some questions for debate. We further outline the contribution of this special issue around the controversial relevance and contemporary use of intra-party democracy across representative democracies.

Building Parties’ Grassroots: Electoral Systems, Party Organizations, and Social Linkages from a Cross-National Perspective

Brazilian Political Science Review

This article explores the connection between the proportional electoral system (PR) and party organizations as a key institutional determinant of party-group linkages from cross-party and national perspectives. Developing a nuanced framework, we propose an integrated model to address two questions: 01. Do candidate-centred electoral systems affect the development of party-group linkages? 02. In the case that electoral systems do have an impact, is it a direct impact or is it mediated by party organizations? Using V-Party (2020) and V-Dem (2020) databases, we selected and analyzed 617 parties in 48 countries covering third-wave democracies, post-communist countries, and the most extensive proportional democracies in Europe (Western and Eastern Europe) and Latin America between 1989 and 2019-Large-N cross-national comparative analysis (JANDA, 1980). Based on panel models, we found that the candidate-centred electoral system is negatively related to the development of strong ties between parties and groups, but only in the case of party organizations with low levels of party strength, intraparty cohesion, and financial linkages with nonparty groups. When decision-making powers are concentrated in the hands of powerful party elites, these elites can solve coordination problems, mitigate intraparty conflicts, and deal with the consequences of personalization. Therefore, intraparty politics varies empirically since parties respond to their contextual challenges (electoral rules) strategically, with consequences for party-group linkages.

Country or party? Variations in party membership around the globe

European Political Science Review, 2022

This paper explores external (country-level) and internal (party-level) drivers of membership variations across parties. Relying on the Political Party Database combined with other datasets, we provide original, cross-sectional analyses of membership variation across 223 parties in 38 countries, innovatively covering third-wave democracies, post-communist countries, and advanced democracies. It allows for a unique analysis of recruitment patterns of parties under quite different contexts. Departing from the dominant view that parties are the powerless victims of external trends, we show that, while context matters, parties' choices regarding affiliation rules and organization structure also matter. They are more powerful determinants of membership ratios than country-level variables. Especially, the representation of subgroups in the party structure is a key driver of membership recruitment. We also show how party origins, and the foundational environment in which they emerged, are important to understand how membership varies across parties today. Overall, this study strongly advocates for a broad comparative, multilevel approach to party membership.

Parties in Democratic National Assemblies

Comparative Assessment of Parliaments (CAP) Note, 2012

Contemporary democracy is “unthinkable save in terms of parties”, the US political scientist, E.E. Schnattschneider has noted. For over 200 years, political parties have been and remain the most important organizations in national assemblies across the democratic world. The vast majority of national assembly members are elected as members of political parties and once elected accept the benefits of joining and organizing political party caucuses or groups or blocs within the assembly; in a sample of 18 legislatures, less than one per cent of members were independents. “Party” not only impacts who is elected to the national assemblies but also how assembly members vote on legislation, structures those assemblies’ internal organization and procedures, has a significant influence on their relations with political executives, and impacts the kind of legislation they produce. Yet, parties are among the most complex political institutions within national assemblies primarily because they are so intrinsically and inextricably connected to electoral and legislative politics.

Political Parties and Party Organisations

The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics, 2017

Stable parties that successfully perform their representative function and connect to citizens are essential for democratic consolidation (Innes, 2002; Kreuzer & Pettai, 2004; Markowski, 2011; Tavits, 2013). Whether such parties will form in new European democracies has been questioned from early on (see Mair, 1997), but some degree of democratic stability has been achieved in the new East European EU member statesparticularly if we contrast them to most of the Former Soviet Union or Western Balkans. This chapter focuses on the development of political parties in countries that joined the EU in the first two waves; trends elsewhere in other post-communist countries differ considerably because of much lower levels of political stability or political freedoms. This chapter first looks at types of parties found in the region using a combination of two common approaches: party families and party development. The second section focusses in on the remarkably successful genuinely political parties without clear roots in the transition period and the related phenomenon of major parties suddenly becoming defunct. We then look at the internal life of parties through the analytical lens of party resources: symbiosis with the state, party organisations and membership. The conclusion summarises important trends since early 1990s and critically discusses the relationship between party development and democratic quality. PARTY TYPES Eastern Europe has been rich in the number and variety of political parties; to understand and analyse them, several approaches to party classification have been used. Party families is a classic and generally insightful approach that identifies similar parties across countries (Beyme, 1985; Hloušek & Kopeček, 2010). However, some parties defy easy classification, some families are internally diverse and parties can even change families. Also, it is not obvious why West European party families should provide a good guide to understanding parties elsewhere. Firstly, even if patterns of party competition in Eastern Europe have come to resemble Western Europe, a unique divisioncommunist legacyremains important in the former (Rohrschneider & Whitefield, 2013, p.84). Secondly, many East European parties have traits that are at odds with their reference "families" in the West (for a discussion on centre-right see Hanley, 2004); others are programmatically vague or flexiblenote the transformation of Fidesz from a liberal to a conservative party (Kiss, 2002). A related approach to classification is based on parties' membership in European party organisations. Yet, sometimes foes in national politics sit together and close allies in different party groups in the European Parliament. For example, as of 2016, the Czech, Estonian, Lithuanian and Slovak delegations to European People's Party or the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats included parties both from national government and opposition benches. Three broad groups of parties can be distinguished using a developmental approach: (a) former communists, (b) parties rooted in anti-communist movements, and (c) new parties, usually set up by charismatic leaders. The simple threefold classification covers most but not all important parties. For example, a small number of parties trace their history back to the pre-communist periodcurrently significant examples include the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), the Latvian Farmers' Union (LZS) and the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP, now merged with the ex-communist Democratic Labour Party, LDDP).