Top-Down Civic Projects Are Not Grassroots Associations: How The Differences Matter in Everyday Life (original) (raw)

CULTURE AND CIVIC PARTICIPATION in non-profit grassroots associations 1 -Problematic Experiences

To approach such a vast and significant subject it would be wise to start with a list of problematic situations, both real and experienced, which can give an idea of what it means and for which, in this paper we search ways to improve performance. Life as a Scout I began my associative life in the Boy-Scouts at age 10. In the following years, through successive changes in family residence, I ended up having to organize new groups with other young friends and neighbours at age 11 and 13. In both cases it was the group that mobilized young adults to make possible an activity that they wanted to do. We may think that many young people, as a rule, will not have such initiative. The important thing is to find a few that have and can do this with minimal investment. That in turn will easily mobilize others for healthy associative activities. We must keep in mind that the beginning of a life as an associative participant may occur at the beginning of adolescence, much earlier than usual, and be reinforced by being an action that comes from internal motivation becoming a strong personality trait (Philips and Neil). We must create conditions for youth partnerships, with their engaging in project development, learning by doing. Many of my friends from back then remained attached to associations. To note the great informality and improvisation from the beginning of activities, gradually improving the planning and organization, but always from the felt need to ensure continuity and without imposition from superior entities, which in turn have always shown confidence, trust and receptivity. Student Associations The following experience was in Student Associations (SA), which announced new kinds of problems. There were two groups of participants. The first comprised of the leaders, speakers and even handlers of the Assemblies, which imposed a truth to the Assembly. The second group, comprised of volunteers and participants of various activities geared to provide services such as copying, student attending, accounting or bar services, were more tolerant and open to cooperation with common students. The first group, with a more active political agenda, was also linked to a party from where guidance was received. Thus one of the biggest issues within Associations is defined. Is it the associations who use party organizations to obtain goods and aid for their members, or is it the parties that control and manipulate the associations as a weapon in its political war, turning them into an instrument of control of a population rather than of their empowerment? Does the Association give voice to the body of students and its most active and involved volunteers, in a bottom-up movement, seeking answers to their broader common concerns, or does the Association give voice and strength to a particular group, well organized within the party, that places its militants in the Student Association to control them?

Mouvements sociaux et changements institutionnels : L'action collective à l'ère de la mondialisation

Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique, 2005

Citizens is one volume in a series designed to evaluate the democratic performance of the institutions and practices affecting public decision-making in Canada. The Canadian Democratic Audit~CDA! is based on the premise that declining levels of public confidence in those institutions and anemic participation rates in political and community life dictate the need for a performance review. In Citizens, the state of democratic citizenship is evaluated according to levels of public involvement in civic and political activities, the extent to which these participatory opportunities represent social diversity, and the potential for these activities to reflect the collective interests of all Canadians. The volume also assesses reform proposals to improve public participation, inclusiveness and responsiveness. The study relies on official statistics, survey data and content analysis to assess longitudinal changes in patterns of citizen engagement over time and across nations. Comparisons are also made across social groups in order to identify structural factors that might account for differential rates of participation across generations, educational levels and community types, between rich and poor, between men and women, and between members of visible minorities, immigrants and Canadians in general. This investigation draws on varied and rich sources of data, presenting them in a manner that is accessible to non-academic observers. While it does not claim to be an exhaustive treatment of democratic citizenship, and subject-area specialists will be familiar with many of the empirical findings, this does not detract from the compelling and troubling nature of the results. While public involvement in conventional political activities is weak and, in many cases, eroding, Canadians are not generally turning to most forms of unconventional politics as a substitute. Civic engagement in associational, volunteering and philanthropic activities remains one area of strength, and these involvements may revitalize participation in conventional politics since some studies have shown a positive correlation between civic and political participation. The most striking findings concern the existence of a "democratic divide." Certain types of Canadians-the poor, people with less formal education, the young and newcomers-were generally less involved in political and civic life and less informed about political facts than older, more affluent and more established Canadians, with higher levels of education. The existence of political0civic "have" and "have-nots" jeopardizes the principle of inclusiveness, as well as the system's potential responsiveness to the values and interests of those without a voice. The authors offer an incisive discussion of their findings. Canadians expressed middling levels of interest in politics, with interest levels varying along age, gender, affluence, education, immigrant status and province of residence dimensions. While their level of political interest ranked above the median for established Western democracies in 1990, the portrait of their political knowledge was less flattering. Many were ignorant about basic political facts and were unable to distinguish between more complex ideological concepts. Social differences in the distribution of knowledge were also detected; women, the poor, the young and those with less formal education knew less about politics. A particularly fascinating chapter assesses the social, policy and electoral consequences of political illiteracy. The authors argue that the uneven distribution of knowledge and the ideologically biased nature of informed opinion on important policy questions converge to produce collective public opinion that does not reflect the values and interests of all Canadians. This has the effect of jeopardizing the potential responsiveness of public policy~87!. This problem is exacerbated by outright misinformation about facts; the authors show that the misinformed would take different

The Politics of Civic Combinations

VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 2008

In this article, we explore the ways in which partnerships with the state within state-led developmental programs might effect the autonomy of civic organizations (COs) and their readiness to enter in political action. To identify the relationship between collaboration with the state and civic autonomy we draw on data from a survey of 740 Hungarian regional civic associations. We did not find support for the theses that mixing with the state might undermine the autonomy of COs and lead to their political neutralization. Also, we did not find support for the hypotheses that political action is solely about money or it is the property of non-autonomous NGOs. We have identified several mechanisms that allow COs to combine participation in partnership projects with maintained autonomy and political activism. Résumé Dans cet article nous explorons les façons dans lesquelles les partenariats avec l'état dans le cadre des programmes d'organisations civiques peuvent affecter l'autonomie des organisations civique s (COs : Civic Organizations) et leur empressement d'entrer dans l'action politique Pour identifier la relation entre la collaboration de l'état et de l'autonomie civique nous tirons les données d'une enquête portant sur sept-cent quarante (740) associations civiques régionales hongroises. Nous n'avons pas constaté de soutien pour celles-ci ; le mélange en avec l'état pourrait saper l'autonomie des COs et mener à leur neutralisation politique. Aussi, nous n'avons pas trouvé d'assistance pour les hypothèses stipulant que l'action politique concerne uniquement l'octroi de finances ou est la propriété des

Civic organizations - an approach of diverse understandings

2014

There have been considerable changes in the civic sphere lately, especially as pertains to the promotion and regulation of civil organizations. Until 2011, the picture of civil organizations was, at best, confused. The new Act on Civic Organizations intended to clarify the state of affairs regarding the sphere and determined what groups may be legally recognized as being civic organizations. Among the recently defined options, only two of them might gain wider acceptance in practice, since civic society, while it has fewer obligations, is also now ineligible for state funding. When discussing civic organizations in general, we recognize how diverse their forms are internationally. In making an international comparison of their forms, we use a comparison of the models existing in Hungary and the United States.

Being civic while disavowing politics: An ethnography of a youth NGO in Portugal

Current Sociology, 2017

Civic and political participation are the vehicles through which citizens of democratic societies engage in the public sphere, identify and address matters of public concern, and monitor governments’ activities. While the civic and the political are often regarded as two sides of the same coin, that assertion deserves questioning in times of an expanding voluntary sector and shrinking participation in institutional and electoral politics. Based on an ethnographic study in a large volunteer organization in the north of Portugal, this article discusses the complexities of civic and political participation, namely whether it is possible to be civic without being political. The article shows how an emphasis in caring for the other and promoting volunteers’ personal development coexists with indifference regarding political issues, and how high levels of motivation and engagement concur with resolving (or smothering) conflict through a strong investment in affective bonds, rather than op...

Civic Action

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Civicness: from civil society to civic services?

Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG eBooks, 2010

Activities in civil society, seen as the sphere of society in which voluntary associations are dominant, are considered an important source of civility in modern society. By interacting and finding solutions for common problems, members of associations turn into citizens with a broader perspective and interest in the common good. The evidence for these positive roles is at best mixed, however. Not voluntarily associating in a separate sphere of civil society, but combining associational with public and commercial modes of social coordination, appears to offer a more promising option for civilizing modern society. Examples of hybridity are discussed. The paper concludes with a plea for a clearer recognition in social research of civicness as a normative perspective.

Jóvenes interactivos y culturas cívicas: sentido educativo, mediático y político del 15M

Revista Comunicar, 2013

Esta aportación se justifica en la necesidad de analizar el contenido participativo que los jóvenes interactivos transmiten en el uso de TIC y de las redes sociales durante el origen del movimiento social del 15M. Los objetivos se han dirigido a comprobar cómo los jóvenes sienten, viven y experimentan la ciudadanía democrática a través de los soportes digitales y mediáticos, participando en el lugar público de la plaza donde se está formando una más informada ciudadanía digital entre la convergencia tecnológica, la hipertextualidad y la no linealidad. Se ha tratado de identificar tanto el contenido educativo de sus interacciones e implicaciones como el uso de los soportes digitales mediáticos en su organización colectiva. La metodología utilizada es el estudio de caso en profundidad, realizado durante los días de la acampada en la plaza pública, recogiendo observaciones, entrevistas, información de las redes sociales (Twitter, Facebook, n-1 y Tuenti), noticias de los medios de comun...