Qatar’s Global-Local Nexus: From Soft to Nested Power? (original) (raw)

Qatar: A First-Hand Account of Soft Power

2014

The focus of this short article is to provide readers with an insight into the political significance of Doha’s socio-cultural environment. It seeks to bridge, on the one hand, the first-hand accounts of Qatar written on various blogs, webpages and discussion forums and, on the other, the academic accounts which have mostly been written ‘from afar’. More specifically, we look to provide readers with a first-hand account of Doha’s central attractions and, in doing so, critically evaluate how Qatar’s soft power is perceived. Our insight emerges from field work conducted in Qatar during a ten-day stay in December 2013, where we visited Doha’s many cultural attractions, stayed in two of its state-of-the-art hotels, and gained an insight into some of techniques Qatari authorities are drawing on in a bid to raise the tourist significance of the country. At the same time, the article seeks to illustrate the potential value of observational methods in providing a lived ‘reading’ of global cities.

Qatar's rising international influence: a case of soft power?

Conjuntura Internacional, 2016

The Arab uprisings have changed the regional order of the Arab world. As traditional leading powers like Iraq, Syria and Egypt have lost influence in the Middle East due to internal security issues and economic difficulties, a few states were able to take advantage of the recent regional turmoil. Seemingly, the mini-state Qatar has managed to benefit from the uprisings more than any other Arab state. Many IR authors explain this phenomenon with the concept of soft power. This paper tests systematically the validity of the soft power argument by examining three " soft power resources " as defined by Joseph Nye: culture, political values, and foreign policies. It is argued that the soft power concept fails in all three aspects to grasp the nature of Qatar's regional and international influence. Instead, it is suggested to consider Qatar's 'hard power' potentials which define more accurately the actual international influence of the Gulf state.

The State of Qatar

Handbook of Research on Sociopolitical Factors Impacting Economic Growth in Islamic Nations

decided that the written proceedings should first be addressed to "the questions of the jurisdiction of the Court to entertain the dispute and of the admissibility of the Application" and, with reference to this decision, indicated that "it is necessary for the Court to be-informed of al1 the contentions and evidence of fact and law on which the Parties rely in that connection". 1.03 In accordance with the Order, Qatar filed its Memorial on questions of jurisdiction and admissibility on 10 February 1992 and Bahrain its Counter-Memorial on 11 June 1992. In its Memorial Qatar has formally submitted that the Court has jurisdiction to entertain the dispute referred to in its Application and that the Application is admissible. In its Counter-Memorial Bahrain has formally subrnitted only that the Court is without jurisdiction over the dispute brought before it by Qatar's Application. 1.04 A second Order was made by the Court on 26 June 1992. Referring to the Order of 11 October 1991, it States that "in the present case the filing of further pleadings by the Parties is necessary" and directs that "a Reply by the Applicant and a Rejoinder by the Respondent shall be filed on the questions of jurisdiction and adrnissibility". 1.05 From this Order, and in view of the previous Order of 11 October 1991, it is Qatar's understanding that the Court finds it necessary to be further informed of al1 the contentions and evidence of fact and law on which the Parties rely in connection with the questions of jurisdiction and admissibility, and this Reply accordingIy addresses such considerations of fact and law which may assist the Court in deciding on those questions. SECTION 2. 1.06 Qatar would Iike to remark briefly in this Introduction upon the unusual character of the proceedings in this phase of the case where, although it is Bahrain which has raised objections to the jurisdiction of the Court, Qatar appears to be in the position of a cIaimant. This situation has arisen because of Bahrain's attitude before the Court, in particular its failure to file preliminary objections under Article 79 of the Rules of Court.

Qatar: The World's Soft Superpower

2023

In geopolitics, states act according to their constraints, such as geography, demography, resources, economics, and domestic politics. Traditionally, small nations used to be more vulnerable to regional conflicts due to their lack of power projection options. Often, they were in a position to align themselves with the dominant player or be absorbed. However, in the modern era, small nations have more cards to play in the geopolitical landscape. The traditional power

The Rise of Qatar as a Soft Power and the Challenges

This paper argues that Qatar exercises soft power influence in a troubled region via attraction and " carrots ". The sources of attraction includes: Qatar's political stability derived from its military alliance with the U.S and effective income redistribution policies and a progressive higher education system which have greatly enhanced the stature of Qatar in the Middle East. Qatar offers the following " carrots " for influence: the potency of its Aljazeera Network, " carrot diplomacy " , sports investments and a generous foreign aid policy. However, the efficacy of these tools could be undermined, by the lack of a democratic culture in Qatar, questionable associations and causes, the unsustainable trajectory of " carrot " diplomacy and a creeping shift towards hard power in resolving conflicts and its attendant backlash.

Qatar's Intangible Heritage Revisited

In late spring the strong winds known as barawih blow, the first known as barih al-nuffakh or barih al-mishmish in Qatar, followed by barih alhuffar and barih al-'ud.

Qatar, a tool in the offshore balancing policy of the U.S.A, or just an ambitious Arabic state in the Age of Virtual Power?

The paper was presented at the “STRATEGIC CHANGES IN SECURITY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY” NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY “CAROL I“ Department of Joint Operations, Strategic and Security Studies Bucharest, Romania, April 18 - 19, 2013

"Abstract: In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Qatar is fairly traditional in its foreign policy, being of the most active participants in the ongoing geopolitical transformations in the Arab world. Doha actively supported, financial, political, military, anti-Gaddafi revolt in Libya, and is now one of the leading supporters of anti-Assad groups in Syria. At first sight it seems that this country is a surogate state, if it is seen through the lens of the hard power elements, such as the population, size, and military strength of a country, and of relations with U.S.A. But is this a valid assumption? Becuase, Qatar, also, pursues a policy of a constant support of Muslim Brotherhood networks, in post-revolutionary Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, in Jordan and the Persian Gulf; while, lately is being considered as one of the main international actors that are positioned more prominently as the new defenders of Sunni’s cause in Middle East, and has good relations with Hamas. From the economic point of view, Qatar owns 14% of all known natural-gas reserves, which represent the world's third-largest reserves, after Russian Federation and Iran. On the other hand, a proper analysis of the topic proposed, can not be properly achieved without taking into account the existence of Al-Jazeera, a very influential Qatari TV station in the region, which has played a major role in toppling Zine Al-Abidine Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak, and the strained diplomatic ties of Qatar with Saudi Arabia and U.A.E. Key words: Qatar; Al-Jazeera; Muslim Brotherhood; Offshore balancing policy; The Age of Virtual Power; "