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Christina Lamb's Our Bodies Their Battlefield: What War Does to Women? explains that men's sexual violence is designed to humiliate women and entire communities in a war context. Furthermore, Lamb's study highlights women's testimony in fighting stigmatisation and ostracisation in conservative societies. The study also discusses the physical, psychological, legal and socioeconomic problems women face because of the violence done to them. In particular, the author emphasizes the historical failure of the national governments to address the abuse of women by combatants and that only now sexual violence in war is being taken seriously. Importantly, Lamb outlines hope among women as they struggle to rebuild individual lives, families and communities in their homelands or abroad. The book contains a prologue, 15 chapters and a postscript. The content of each chapter is worth mentioning because it shows the depth and breadth of Lamb's research and the useful comparisons and contrasts the author makes about the treatment of women in each war or conflict.
SPORT AND THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN THE GLOBAL POST-COLD WAR ERA (1989-NOWADAYS)
Giatsis, S., Ziakas, V., Zygouri, C., & Giatsi, A. (2004). Sport and the Olympic Games in the global post-cold war era (1989-Nowadays). Journal of Olympic History, 12(2), 35-45., 2004
The aim of this article is to examine the phenomenon of globalization and the ways that sport and the Olympic Games are influenced by it during the post-Cold War (1989-1991 up tonowadays). There were used two sorts of evidence: General bibliography concerning globalization and specific literature on the interactions either between sport and globalization or globalization and the Olympic Games.
The International Journal of the History of Sport, 2018
Russia's (and the USSR's) use of sports mega-events (SMEs) makes this BRICS country (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) not only an outlier among emerging states, but also among key SME hosts generally. In this paper the authors argue that both the historic Moscow Olympics (1980) and the more recent hosting of the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics provide evidence that Russia has, on both occasions, focused on geopolitical priorities using hard power (military might) at the expense of soft power acquisition. Further, the authors advance the notion that first and foremost both Olympics were used to pursue domestic soft power goals, which, again, makes Russia an outlier in terms of the political use of sports mega-events by states in the literature on this subject. The 1980 Olympic Games, therefore, in terms of their potential to generate soft power and national unity, turned out to be a misused opportunity for Russia. The authors explore the extent to which this is specific to Russia and whether the first Russian Olympics could provide valuable insight into the modern-day hosting of sports megaevents by Russia (2014/2018).