Questioning Women's Solidarity: The Case of Land Rights, Santal Parganas, Jharkhand, India (original) (raw)

Questioning Women’s Solidarity: The Case of land rights

Women's land rights have been on the policy agenda in India for at least the last 20 years. Yet not much has happened on the ground. Why have not women mobilised to claim rights to land? What have been the limits to collective action by women around land rights? Through fieldwork in the Santal Parganas, Jharkhand, India, this article explores these questions. Firstly, the socially embedded nature of land as a resource and the mutuality and interdependence between men and women in the productive use of land needs to be recognised. Consequently, more than gender identities, it is other cross-cutting identities of ethnicity, education, kinship relations and marital status that both motivate women to stake their claims to land as well as oppose the claims of other women and men. Secondly, women's land claims seem to have a chance of becoming effective only if they have some male support, hence rather than aligning with other women, those who are serious in their claims seek to build alliances with men, particularly those able to influence the argument in their favour. Just as amongst women, there is considerable evidence to show that men too adopt different subject-positions depending on their own experience and context. Finally, by attempting to present women's land claims as a gender issue, not only is it found that women are unwilling to mobilise around this issue, but there is also an enhanced resistance from men.

Are we not peasants too? Land rights and women's claims in India

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The Neoliberal Globalization and Indian Village: Changing terms of discourse on Women's Land Rights

The myth of 'Men Farmer' was already blasted long back. Further, in South Asia, there has been a highly gendered agrarian transition, as men move faster to non-farm jobs than women leading to a much discussed phenomenon 'feminization of agriculture'. In the context of agriculture becoming increasingly less profitable, men move out of agriculture leaving behind women to take care of their farms. In 2004-05, 49% of male workers but 65% of all women workers and 83% of rural female workers were still in agriculture (NSSO 2004-05), and their percentage was rising. An estimated 35% of households are de facto female-headed from widowhood, marital breakdown, or male outmigration, and overall 38.9% of all agricultural workers are women (NSSO 2004-05). Many are uneducated and possess few skills beyond farming. Farm size is also falling and landlessness is growing. Women constitutes most of the landless, typically owning no land themselves even when born or married into landed households. Indeed, given intra-household inequalities in resource distribution, there are poor women in non-poor households whose work contributions (as unpaid family workers) are usually invisible, and who remain atomized and isolated as workers.

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Journal of Advanced Research in English and Education Volume 9, Issue 2 - 2024, Pg. No. 1-8 Peer Reviewed Journal, 2024

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Religions

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