‘Self-Interest and the Distant Vulnerable’, Ethics and International Affairs 30, no. 3 (2016), 335-53. (original) (raw)

Global Harms, Local Responsibilities: Obligations to the Distant Needy and the Duty Not to Harm

2006

The issue of obligations to aid the distant needy is often glossed in terms of positive duties. In this paper I will argue that many objections to the duty to aid the distant needy result from a conflation of obligations based on positive duty with those based on negative duty. In addition, I will argue that nearly every single individual member of affluent societies, such as Canada, has strong obligations to aid the distant needy that rest not on positive duties, maximization of utility, or charity, but rather result from violations of the negative duty not to harm. The following paper consists of four chapters. Chapter 1 discusses the basic points of the positive duty and negative duty approaches to obligations to aid the distant needy. I will also introduce and discuss Thomas Pogge’s argument that much of the world’s extreme poverty results from a lopsided economic order dominated by affluent nations and that responsibility for much poverty can be attributed to those affluent nations. If this view is correct, then even on a negative duty account, individual members of affluent societies may own a share of the moral responsibility resulting. Chapter 2 consists of a brief explanation of what I mean by collective and membership in a collective, as well as introducing a notion of responsibility and obligation based largely on the concept of liability. In chapter 3 I will set out five criteria by which we can establish whether or not it is reasonable to hold an individual responsible for the collective actions of his nation and its institutions, explain why these criteria are appropriate, and argue that nearly every individual member of affluent societies meets these criteria. Chapter 4 consists of a discussion of some potential strategies for attempting to meet obligations to the distant needy and why they are inadequate. Lastly, I will offer some explanation as to the type of action(s) that might be required to meet our obligations and why they might, quite reasonably, bear a high cost to individual members of affluent societies.

On Altruistic War and National Responsibility: Justifying Humanitarian Intervention to Soldiers and Taxpayers

Ethical Theory and Moral Practice, 2010

The principle of absolute sovereignty may have been consigned to history, but a strong presumption against foreign intervention seems to have been left in its stead. On the dominant view, only massacre and ethnic cleansing justify armed intervention, these harms must be already occurring or imminent, and the prudential constraints on war must be satisfied. Each of these conditions has recently come under pressure. Those looking to defend the dominant view have typically done so by invoking international peace and stability, or the value of communal self-determination. But the internal aspect of legitimacy has been overlooked in all of this. If a government insists on defending the human rights of foreigners, it must also be sure not to violate the rights of its own citizens in the process. I argue that the current presumption against humanitarian intervention cannot be substantially relaxed for internal reasons, or given the obligations that states owe to their own constituents.

Three Grotian Theories of Humanitarian Intervention

Theoretical Inquiries in Law, 2015

This Article explores three theories of humanitarian intervention that appear in, or are inspired by, the writings of Hugo Grotius. One theory asserts that natural law authorizes all states to punish violations of the law of nations, irrespective of where or against whom the violations occur, to preserve the integrity of international law. A second theory, which also appears in Grotius’s writings, proposes that states may intervene as temporary legal guardians for peoples who have suffered intolerable cruelties at the hands of their own state. Each of these theories has fallen out of fashion today based on skepticism about their natural law underpinnings and concerns about how they have facilitated Western colonialism. As an alternative, this Article outlines a third theory that builds upon Grotius’s account of humanitarian intervention as a fiduciary relationship, while updating Grotius’s account for the twenty-first century. According to this new fiduciary theory, when states inte...

The Ethics of Refugee Aid

Éthique et Économique / Ethics and Economics, 2011

This paper examines the ethics of refugee aid, attempting to answer "Why do States engage in refugee aid?" Moving beyond the simplistic answer based on the notion of charity, which demonstrably fits ill with the essentially positivist methodology of conducting refugee aid, an ethical model is construed based on the Weberian concept of action as an instrument of rationality. This is supported with critical readings from Hannah Arendt, amongst others, and also my own experiences as a former UNHCR aid worker. However, although this model better captures ground realities, it negates the individuality and humanity of refugees. Thus refugee aid as a form of global, transnational justice will be presented, based on readings from Amartya Sen.

"Responsibility to Perfect: Vattel’s Conception of Duties beyond Borders," International Studies Quarterly, 61, no. 2 (2017): 385-95.

Mounting evidence suggests that non-consensual military intervention is most often a poor instrument for alleviating mass suffering. Thus, a growing number of scholars and practitioners argue that the international toolbox for protecting populations should also contain non-coercive tools for assisting states and enhancing their capacities. But while studies of the history of military intervention proliferate, past thinking about duties of assistance and capacity-building remains relatively neglected. This article seeks to rectify this state of affairs by analyzing and seeking insights from the detailed treatment of non-coercive means of discharging duties to others offered by the eighteenth-century Swiss jurist and diplomat Emer de Vattel. Drawing on Leibniz’s conception of “perfection,” Vattel argued that states have duties to contribute to the perfection of those beyond their borders insofar as they can without doing an “essential injury” to themselves. While some of his claims about duties may be uncontroversial today, others remain subject to ongoing contestation, and still others have been forgotten and demand renewed attention. Crucially, while Vattel acknowledged the need for prudence, he also demanded that states be willing to make sacrifices for the sake of vulnerable strangers. He framed the cultivation of ever greater ability to assist others as a fundamental aspect of a state’s own self-perfection.

GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON HUMANITARIANISM 3

DIIS Research Reports, 2019

In this piece, we take issue with several recent state-defined migration crises in Latin America. As in other colonized areas of the world, discussions about humanitarianism in Latin America are necessarily linked to the legacy of conquest, colonialism and imperialism. By revisiting the sixteenth-century Valladolid Debate regarding the humanity of indigenous peoples in the Americas, we seek to establish historical links to contem- porary humanitarian discourses and practices aimed at excluding, controlling and managing mobile populations. Taking our point of departure in changes in migration legislation in Ecuador and three particular groups of incoming populations – Cubans and Haitians, Venezuelans and Ecuadoran nationals deported from the United States – we compare the various relationships between state power and humanitarian claims in these cases. Special emphasis is given to situations that generate rationales for different kinds of humanitarian intervention and claims regarding the regulation of movement and borders. Our comparison of different ‘migration crises’ exposes some of the inherent contradictions between migration control on the one hand and claims in respect of humanitarian action and the protection of migrants on the other. These contradictions both challenge and reinforce deep-seated ideas about sovereignty, security and prosperity, as well as what kinds of lives are deemed worthy of intervention.