Delhi Sultanate and the Rajputs of Rajputana and Central India: A Political-Social Study (original) (raw)

POLITICAL INTERACTION BETWEEN THE SULTANATE OF DELHI AND RAJPUTANA AND CENTRAL INDIA

The Turkish possessions in India led to the establishment of the Sultanate of Delhi. By 1210 A.D., the Turks become familiar with the region of Rajputana and the Central India, their economic resources and various trade routes. Minhaj tells that Iltutmish ascended the throne and established his power over the land that had been governed by Aibak – the territories of Delhi, Badaun, Awadh, Banaras and the Siwalikh region.1 No doubt, the Turkish Sultan aimed at the expansion of their territory and for this purpose conquests were necessary. Rajputana, covered by hills and desert and with too little of fertility, was not a very attrracting object to any conqueror. From the military point of view, political history is largely concerned with wars; wars and geography are very closely connected. It seems that the root of the conflicts between the Sultans of Delhi and the Rajput princes lay really in the peculiar geographical position of Rajputana and its importance from military point of view. If the Delhi Sultans wanted to reach the fertile Gujarat and to the prosperous Deccan, they had to pass through Rajputana and had to encounter opposition from the Rajputs. And Rajputs were the indigenous warrior and ruling race in India, so that in order to establish the Turkish Empire firmly, encountered with the Rajput became necessary. Thus, Iltutmish made further conquests in order to extend his power and firmly establish the Sultanate of Delhi.

POLICIES OF THE SULTANS FOR THE SOCIO-POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN RAJPUTANA AND CENTRAL INDIA

It had already been mentioned that the political relations between the Delhi Sultans and the Rajput Rulers were not stable, they were continuously engaged in warfare for establishing their power in Rajputana and the Central India and to have control on trade routes and economic resources for firmly establishing their rule in India. Meanwhile, there was a process of development in political relations in the form of the policies of the Delhi Sultans towards Rajputs. This process of political development started with the conquest of India by Muhammad Ghori. After the Second battle of Tarain in 1192 A.D., Muhammad Ghori did not adopt the policy of annexation as did not want to interfere in the political life of the Rajput States and reinstated Prithviraja's son on the throne on the condition of vassalage and to pay tribute, annually. Qutabuddin Aibak followed the policy of Muhammad Ghori for establishing their control on the Rajput States as the Turks were not familiar with the political, economic and social conditions of India. He found it necessary to rule indirectly as they only wanted to have economic resources. But the Turkish officials were appointed to look after the activities of the Rajput States so that they could not offend the authority of the Turks. By 1206 A.D., the Turkish possessions in Rajputana and Central India comprised except Rajasthan and Bundelkhand were very fertile and productive and many resources were provided for further territorial expansion and also for maintaining their hold over them and were acted as military posts of Turks. During the governorship of Aibak, there were revolts in the conquered Rajput States continuously for regaining independence. For instance, the son of Prithviraja, Govindraja accepted the subordination of the Turks but Hariraja, the brother of Prithviraja Chauhan organised opposition against the Turks rule at Ajmer and the adjoining areas. Taking benefits of absence of Aibak in India, Hariraja dethroned Govindraja from Ajmer for accepting the subordination of the Turks and organised an attack on Delhi with his companion Jhat Rai. Being informed of these anti-Turks activities, Aibak marched and suppressed them harshly, instead of accepting the

Reasons and Consequences of Ghaznavids’Invasion of India

2013

During the history of India, there had been relations between Indians and Muslims. With the foundation of independent rulerships in the east of Iran during the 3rd and 4th Islamic centuries, the form of Muslim Arab commanders’ direct attacks on the Indian lands changed into non-Arab warrior emirs’ conquests ( against the infidels). Arising of Ghaznavids in the east of the Islamic lands and the thought of conquering India by Sultan Mahmud was the beginning of this trend. Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi launched sixteen or seventeen attacks on the wealthy country of India. Of course, these attacks were started by Sabuktiginand reached their peak during the time of Sultan Mahmud and were continued by his successors severely. The reasons for these military expeditions can be dealt with from three different but related aspects: * Email: salehi@lihu.usb.ac.ir ** Email: amirshekary.fatemeh@stu.usb.ac.ir receipt: 9-5-2012 Acceptance:6-3-2013 Journal of Subcontinent Researches University of Sistan an...

Mongol Presence in Northern Hindustan under the Delhi Sultanate, INDIA: THE UNREQUITED MONGOL EMPIRE

In the 13th-14th centuries the Mongols were at the peak of their power and Mongol supremacy over most of the globe from China in the east to Russia in the west was unrivalled. The descendants of Chinggiz Khan had conquered almost the entire region between China and Russia and their impact is talked about in holistic and far-reaching ways in China, Persia, Russia and Central Asia. However, Mongol interest in conquering Hindustan (India) in the 13th century has been hitherto limited to a point of debate and speculation. Modern historians have propagated the view that Mongol interest in Hindustan was not one of conquest but rather was restricted to raiding and booty. This paper questions that view and focuses on successive military engagements between the Mongols and the armies of Delhi that far exceed the gamut of just raids and point to more ambitious plans of conquest towards Hindustan. In addition to the threat from the Mongols from outside, the discussion also focuses on Mongols residing within Hindustan who were so close to the monarch that they were involved in court intrigues and attempted to play king-makers in the succession struggles within Hindustan in the late 13th century. The Delhi Sultanate experienced the Mongols in a variety of ways, signalled by the arrival of Chinggis Khan himself in 1221 to give battle to the Khwarezm Shah, troops build-up on Hindustan’s borderlands in the reign of Ogedei, seizure of Punjab and Kashmir under Mongke and Hulegu, Mongol immigrants into the Delhi Sultanate after 1260 and in 1292, active combat with the descendants of Hulegu (Ilkhans), Chaghatai and Ogedei (Central Asian Mongols), continuous trade with all the Mongol uluses, and religious exchanges. Moreover the Delhi Sultans were successful in keeping the Mongols at bay and were also involved in a continuous struggle with the Hindu Kingdoms of Hindustan which at the turn of the 14th century came under nominal control of the Delhi Sultanate. This work provides an overview of these exchanges and contacts between the Mongols and Hindustan, but more specifically focuses on the Chaghatai invasions of the late 13th century, and the neo-Muslim Mongols who were part of the fabric of the highest echelons of the Delhi court and military from the 1260s onwards. I have chosen these two aspects to emphasise the intensive pressure on the Delhi Sultanate by the Mongols, especially in the reign of Ala al-Din Khalji (1296-1316). Ala al-Din’s reign did not signify an end to the constant threat that the spectre of Mongol World dominance represented but did result in setbacks to the ambitious plans of the Central Asian Mongols and thus broke the myth of Mongol invincibility. Ala al-Din also thwarted Mongol efforts through the neo-Muslims inside Delhi who had been flexing their muscles in the succession struggles of the Delhi Sultanate. The neo-Muslims provide an exclusive moment of a Hindu-Muslim alliance against the Delhi Sultanate in the form of the neo-Muslims joining with the Rajputs. Even though the alliance was a failure it lends itself to a dialogue with regards to the traditional language used for the competition between the Rajputs and the Delhi Sultanate which is expressed in terms of Hindu-Muslim rivalry. Hindustan’s exclusion from the Mongol Empire did not signify a lack of either interest or contact between the two in the 13th-14th centuries. It is impossible to view the Delhi Sultanate without taking into account its mighty neighbour. Conversely, when studying the Central Asian Mongols, in particular, it is difficult to ignore the Delhi Sultanate which challenged the notion of a Mongol imperial ideology or for that matter Mongol manifest destiny. Similarly, in order to study the Delhi Sultanate and the nobility that was in control of it, the neo-Muslim Mongols who enjoyed high status and positions within the Sultanate cannot be ignored or marginalised not only because they came within a hairs breadth of exercising control on the Delhi throne but also because they provided an alliance between Hindus and Muslims in Hindustan, possibly even a precursor to the memorable alliance between the Rajputs and the Mughal Emperor Akbar in the 16th century. The Rajputs who were the internal rivals of the Delhi Sultanate cannot be sidelined in any discussion and in their short-lived alliance with the neo-Muslims formed a significant and complex internal challenge for the Delhi Sultanate. It is significant that the Delhi Sultanate thwarted attempts of their external enemies, the Chinggissid Mongols and their internal enemies, the neo-Muslims and the Rajputs, and retained control and ruled Northern Hindustan for another century.

RAJPUTANA BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST

The political history of the Rajputana and the Central India shows that from eighth century onwards, several principalities existed both in Rajputana and Central India whose rulers acquired independent authority. These Rajput rulers believed in fragmented political authority therefore they usually came in conflict against each other. Mahmud Ghaznavi attacks had exposed the military power of the Rajputs to other (Turks) political authorities. However, the Rajput rulers were more interested in extending their authority in the neighbouring areas than making the frontier policy. The time period which occurred between the death of Harsha and the defeat of Prithviraja Chauhan in the Second battle of Tarain is marked as the most eventful epoch in the history of Rajputana and Central India. During this period of nearly six centuries, there was emergence of many Rajput dynasties that claims Kshatriyas descends and whole of Northern India was divided into many mutually warring principalities governed by them as there was no paramount sovereign. The political authority of the Rajput rulers was confined to northern and western India. In north Indian history, the eighth century witnessed the emerging of two historical forces; the appearance of the Turks in the role of invaders and rulers; and the appearance of the Rajputs in the role of the defenders. The Turkish generals from central Asia made regular attacks on northwestern part of India. The time period before the Turkish conquest of India is all about the Turkish attacks and Rajputs resistance to it and also about the internecine warfare amongst various Rajput dynasties ruling in India. Origin of the Rajputs: The Rajputs ruled the largest part of Northern India; on the eve of Turkish attacks under Mohammad Ghori. The Rajputs emerged as a ruling dynasty in eighth century A.D. Several theories regarding the origin of Rajputs during seventh and eighth century A.D. is extended by the various historians. The Rajputs traced their ancestry from the sun and the moon and some of them believed in the theory of Agnikula. Some historians hold that the Rajputs are the descendants of the foreign settlers or immigrants in India, while other historians traced their ancestry to the Kshatriyas of Vedic times. James Tod, a famous 1

Q. Examine the development of relations with the Rajput chieftains under Aurangzeb

Ans. Aurangzeb, regarded as the last of the Great Mughals, ruled from 1658-1707. During his reign, the Mughal Empire reached its territorial climax. However, it also began to show signs of decline and disruption. Aurangzeb's policy towards the Rajputs has been clouded by immense controversy. The Mughal alliance with the Rajput chieftains, a key factor in the expansion and consolidation of the Mughal Empire under Akbar, is said to have been breached under Aurangzeb, leading to the weakening and subsequent disintegration of the empire. However, as has been shown in recent works, this is a simplistic approach and needs to be further examined. It has traditionally been understood that the Mughal attitude towards the Rajput chieftains was governed by the personal religious outlook of the individual rulers. Thus, it has been argued that the religious orthodoxy of Aurangzeb and his desire to establish a truly Muslim state was the reason of his breach with the Rajputs, just as Akbar's religious liberalism was the motive force of his Rajput policy. But Mughal-Rajput relations should instead be seen in the deeper political, economic and geo-strategic context. The Rajputana region, flanking the Gangetic Valley, is characterized by a rocky terrain, inhospitable climate and infertile land. Yet it was always considered important by the Mughals for strategic and political reasons. The region formed a crucial link between the Gangetic Valley and the rich and flourishing sea ports on the west coast of India on one hand, and with the prosperous tract of Malwa in Central India on the other, which was important for trade and also access to both Gujarat and the Deccan region. Akbar, who ruled from 1556-1605, was the first Mughal to recognize the importance of alliance with the Rajputs. He initiated policies to conciliate the Rajput chieftains and integrate them into the Mughal state through the mansabdari system. Accordingly, the Rajputs were given a personal rank (zat) and asked to maintain a specified number of troops (sawar) that could be placed in the service of the Emperor. In lieu of salary, the Mughals frequently granted the mansabdar a territorial grant (jagir), which in the case of the Rajputs was generally their watan (home territory). Akbar also sought to guarantee the allegiance of the Rajput rulers through matrimonial alliances with them. At the same time, by acknowledging the authority of the rajas in the internal affairs of their kingdoms and their positions as heads of the clans, he was able to turn their hostility into support. For all practical purposes, thus, the states were independent. However, the Mughals had one important right – over matters of succession. On the death of a raja, the territory was, in theory, supposed to devolve to not his heir, but the Mughal Emperor, who then had the right to choose the successor. In practice, however, the state was generally returned to the nominated heir. A sanad was presented to the new ruler, and tika marked on his forehead by the Emperor's delegate, legitimizing his ascent to the throne (gaddi). Frequently a Rajput raja would avoid a succession dispute among his sons by having his heir designate formally recognized by the Mughal Emperor. Over time, a symbiotic relationship developed. The rajas gained an opportunity to increase personal power by imperial appointment. In return, they acknowledged the suzerainty of the Emperor and provided large military forces and leadership to the Mughals in their campaigns. Thus the Rajputs

FACTORS BEHIND THE GHORIAN SUCCESS IN INDIA

Banglar Puratattva Gobeshana Kendra, Kolkata, 2019

The eleventh- twelfth centuries Northern India was featured with the emergence of countless small regional kingdoms. Beyond that portion of land, in the North-West frontiers of India, and Central Asia, kingdoms and empires were rising to prominence under Islamic influence. In that process Ghoridscame to power and instituted themselves in modern Afghanistan. The Ghorids were not strong enough to meet the growing power and strength of the Khwarizmi Empire on the west so they turned the direction of the speedy horses towards India. They started attacking India in the 70s of the twelfth century and by the early 13th century they established their rule in North India in the vicinity of Delhi region. The real founder of the Muslim Empire in India was Muiz-ud-din Muhammad bin Sam popularly known as Muhammad Ghori, also called Shihab-ud-din Ghori (1173-1206 CE.). Various explanations have been advanced to explain this phenomenal success of the Ghorid’s army.