MORE ON THE ROLE OF MORPHOLOGY IN THE ACQUISITION O F SYNTACTIC KNOWLEDGE (original) (raw)

Does Morphology Drive Syntax ? Evidence from L 1 acquisition

2014

The relation of syntax to morphology has been a central debate in the L2 acquisition literature (Haznedar and Schwartz 1997; Haznedar 2001; Ionin and Wexler 2002; Lardiere 1998; Prévost and White 2000a; Schwartz 2003, White 2003, 2004 among others). Specifically, there is a question of whether L2 learners acquire target syntax without the concomitant acquisition of the L2 morphology or are the two developments linked in some way. There has also been a related debate in synchronic and diachronic syntax, namely, can certain syntactic differences between languages (and language change) be explained as effects of differences in the morphology? The answer to this question has obvious implications for first language acquisition: If overt morphology is a reliable cue to abstract syntactic structure then this would provide an obvious bootstrapping mechanism for the L1 learner. In this essay I focus on first language acquisition. Two areas of adult grammar in which the syntax–morphology conn...

N-Drop and Determiners in Native and Non-Native Spanish: More on the Role of Morphology in the Acquisition of Syntactic Knowledge

2000

In order to investigate whether the acquisition of N-drop (null nouns) is related to the acquisition of the agreement system of Spanish determiners this paper analyzes L1 longitudinal Spanish data from two children and L2 longitudinal data from two children learning Spanish in a naturalistic setting. Based on the results, it is argued that in L1, the acquisition of N-drop may be triggered by the feature 'word marker' which constitutes the make-up of Spanish Nouns, Adjectives and Determiners (Harris 1991, Berstein 1993). However, in the case of L2 acquisition, projecting the abstract 'word marker' feature of the Spanish DP the morphology of the Spanish determiner may not be a condition for the productive use of Null Nouns. We base this conclusion on the following pieces of evidence: (1) Monosyllabic place-holders (non-tonic vowels which appear before referential categories) occur in child L1 Spanish, which leads us to propose that these items play a role in the projection of the abstract [+word marker] syntactic feature in L1 Spanish; (2) Monosyllabic place-holders do not occur in child non-native Spanish, which leads us to propose that L2 acquires' sophisticated phonological systems may prevent them from dissecting the incoming input data (using a 'bottom up' processing strategy) which leads to the projection of abstract features; (3) In L1 acquisition non-adult null determiners cease to occur when N-drop becomes productive. This is not the case on L2 acquisition, which again leads us to propose that L2 acquires do not rely on the 'bottom up' strategy to deal with input data; (4) In L1 acquisition gender mismatches cease to occur when N-drop becomes productive. In the case of L2 acquisition there is not correlation between productive use of N-drop and the disappearance of gender mismatches. Given the fact that the morphological realization of word markers and gender markers is difficult to tease apart in Spanish, these results provide further evidence that L1 learners make indirect use of morphological markers (via phonological dissection) to project abstract syntactic features. liceras, díaz, mongeon: n-drop and determiners 35 clac 37/2009, 34-62

Toward a new understanding of syntactic CLI : evidence from L 2 and L 3 acquisition

2017

formal feature, let us consider here a behavioural acquisition study comparing the structural constraints of children and adult code-switching. Paradis et al. (2000) looked at how production data of children and adult French-English bilinguals reflect learners’ knowledge of the functional category INFL for these languages. The presence of system morphemes in their utterances, such as tense, agreement or aspect markers, copulas, Flynn, Suzanne. & Berkes, Éva. (2017). Toward a new understanding of syntactic CLI: evidence from L2 and L3 acquisition. In T. Angelovska and A. Hahn (Eds.), L3 Syntactic Transfer: Models, New Developments and Implications (pp. 35-61). Book series: Bilingual Processing and Acquisition, Ed. John W. Schwieter. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. auxiliaries, etc. was considered as overt reflexes of the mentioned functional category. Accepting that INFL-related morphology in English emerges later in development than in French, the authors claim that English-French biling...

Testing the predictions of the feature-assembly hypothesis: evidence from the L2 acquisition of Spanish aspect morphology

In, BUCLD 35: Proceedings of the 35th Annual Boston University Conference on Language Development. 35th Annual Boston University Conference on Language Development Boston, US, Cascadilla Press., 2011

We are extremely grateful to Rosamond Mitchell and Nicole Tracy-Ventura for their valuable contribution to this research and to the BUCLD 35 audience for helpful suggestions and discussion. CH L It is not completely clear whether access to the universal inventory of features is still readily available once a language has selected its specific subset [F L1 ] of F. This prompts the question of whether L2 speakers can ever be successful in acquiring a grammar which contains features which are not selected by their native language. Generative second language research has examined to what extent crosslinguistic differences regarding the features selected by each language [[F L1 ], [F L2 ] [F L3 ]…] constitute a source of interlanguage variability and permanent impairment for second language speakers (Hawkins and Chan 1997, Hawkins 2005, Tsimpli 2003, Franceschina 2004, Lardiere 2006, 2009 among others).

Morphological dissociations in the L2 acquisition of an inflectionally rich language

Eurosla Yearbook, 2009

This study investigates the validity of Dual-Mechanism Model in the mental representation of regular and irregular active past perfective verbs in adult non-native Greek. In this model, regular inflection is computed by a symbolic rule, while irregular words are fully stored in the lexicon. A nonce-probe elicitation task showed that both natives and non-natives generalized the regular affix -s, and more so in regular than in irregular perfective verb stems. Moreover, the degree of similarity of the nonce verbs to real ones did not affect the affixation of regulars. Dissimilar irregulars were affixed less often than similar ones by the intermediate learners but neither by the advanced learners, nor by the natives. Our findings support computation for regulars, as proposed by the Dual Mechanism Model, both in native and in non-native language acquisition. Yet, the model's claim for full storage of all irregular words is not verified.

The L 2 Acquisition of Inchoative Structures by L 1 Spanish Speakers

2016

The present study provides evidence in favor of transfer as a developmentally constrained process in the L2 acquisition of inchoative forms of the causative alternation by L1 Spanish/L2 English learners at different levels of proficiency. Different types of L1 grammatical properties (akin to Full Transfer) seem to be transferred in later rather than in early L2 acquisition. 60 college students in Lima, Peru, were tested using a picture-based acceptability judgment task to elicit learners' responses, and corrections of the sentences that they found unacceptable. The sentence correction analysis revealed that morphological and lexico-syntactic transfer interacted at higher proficiency. It is concluded that L1 transfer is conditioned by development of L2