Repetitions in partial words (original) (raw)
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A note on repetition in Spanish: volver a + VInf, re-prefixation, and adverbs of repetition
2016
In this paper, we describe the semantics of three types of expressions of repetition that constitute presupposition triggers in Spanish, a verbal periphrasis, adverbs of repetition, and prefixation. We show that the main difficulty in their semantic analysis is that of formulating the minimal presupposition they trigger, and we assume that, in the case of the periphrasis, Ramchand's first-phase syntax templates are better predictors of this minimal presupposition than analyses relying on less fine-grained structures for the VP (such as those merely distinguishing adjuncts from arguments and internal from external arguments). As for the differences between the three types of expression, the periphrasis shows a clearly temporal nature, since it both modifies temporal structure and relies exclusively on temporal orders. Adverbs of repetition do not modify temporal structure and may rely on other types of order. Re1-prefixation in Spanish is confined to expressing the restitution (w...
The construction lo que pasa es que 'what happens is that' is a Spanish discourse marker that was originally a pseudo-cleft construction. Before becoming grammaticalized, the verb pasar contained its full lexical meaning 'to happen,' but later evolved into a fixed expression losing its lexical meaning and acquiring an implicit contrastive and causal meaning. The present study aims to describe the construction's evolution on the path of grammaticalization in relation to Traugott's (1989) three semantic-pragmatic tendencies. In addition, a Usage-based Theory approach is employed in order to describe some of the formal aspects of the construction. Using two corpora, CORDE and Corpus del Español, all instances of the construction were located and analyzed with regard to function and usage in context. Results indicate that the construction was first used in the 16 th Century and that its evolution as lexical > concessive > epistemic is in line with Traugott's tendencies. Mechanisms of change such as chunking and phonetic reduction and loss of compositionality and analyzability, as well as increase in overall frequency are also discussed in relation to this construction, lending further support to Usage-based theory.
Parecen que lo olvidan... Hyper-agreement in non-standard Spanish
The distribution of DDPP in raising constructions -depending on the embedded clause's formal properties-has been essential for Case Theory and movement. Likewise, the behavior of DDPP, according to agreement facts, has given rise to relevant discussions about the kind of movement involved (A-Movement/A'-Movement). Nevertheless, this distribution is not so clear in certain Spanish dialects which show double-agreement effects. It means that the embedded verb as well as the raising verb (parecer 'to seem') present inflectional number (and person) morphology: Parece-n que lo olvida-n (seem.3PL that it forget.3PL 'They seem to forget him'). The analysis of the data in these varieties allows us to define a number of characteristics which are relevant from a descriptive and a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, it is possible to identify some notable particularities, with respect to the position of the DP, which triggers agreement and the interaction of these constructions with dative experiencers as well (Me parece que... 'It seems to me that...'). From a theoretical point of view, these data have consequences for approaches on agreement, on the relationship between Case and movement, and on the discussion regarding the Experiencer Paradox in Spanish. Additionally, they allow us to identify a new empirical domain in which a DP plural number feature has an active role in the Probe-Goal domain.
English Literature and Linguistics, 2000
The aim of this paper is to introduce a working model of phrasal repetition and to identify different varieties or forms of phrasal repetition. In stating this aim, I have already introduced two basic assumptions that may need attention. First, I have stated, as given, that there is some need or rationale for such a model. Second, I have introduced a term that has the appearance of a technical term (phrasal repetition) but which has no preceding discussion in the literature of linguistic or stylistic study. By introducing such a term I am necessarily pre-forming the expectations of the descriptive model. To justify this seeming circularity, I will endeavour to place the development of the model within existing discussions of language repetition, and to show the steps which have led to the model described below. The paper therefore, will start with a general discussion of repetition, it will continue with an overview of existing discussion, it will develop from that discussion a descriptive model designed to cover what is not covered in existing models, and finally it will make a brief adventure into the uses of the model for textual analysis or stylistics.
Aspects Of Repetition in Discourse
It is often claimed that language is a system for communicating information. In fact, language has a multiplicity of functions, but when it comes to information, that which is to be given significance is always framed by the known, hence repeated, elements. The organization of language is largely a matter of what is repeated, when, where, why, by whom, how and how often. For the purposes of this analysis, I will take a much broader view of repetition than is normally found in linguistics, considering a cline from local (often idiosyncratic) repeating clauses or phrases to stable units such as lexical items which have become formal, generalized tokens in the language. This is not a paper which proposes a neat solution to some small puzzle in a linguistic model. Rather, it outlines for further study some properties of a very general phenomenon.
Languages (Special issue: Key Aspects of 21st Century Informal Interactions: Socio-Pragmatic and Formal Features), 2021
Authors such as Schnoebelen (2012: 12) suggest that in some languages (cf. Navajo) certain dependent clauses are frequently used independently to "mark emotional evaluation and background information". Evans (2007) uses the term insubordination to refer to this phenomenon. Our study focuses on a particular insubordinate construction introduced by the sequence ni que in Spanish, as in the example [¡Una carta cada día!] Ni que yo fuese Umbral. (CORPES 100), used as an independent clause with a sociopragmatic meaning which is different from that of its subordinate counterpart (cf. No escribiría una carta cada día ni que yo fuese Umbral). Our research questions ask about the potential for ni que to be used as a discourse marker fulfilling an expressive function when it introduces this type of construction, and the derived hypothesis is then oriented to test whether Schnoebelen's (2012) observation about insubordinate constructions applies also to this Spanish construction. In order to test this hypothesis, we performed a functional-discourse analysis of more than 2000 concordances (and their extended contexts) in Mark Davies' Corpus del Español and the Real Academia CORPES XXI. Our findings show that the insubordinate construction differs in function and meaning from its subordinate counterpart, the former fulfilling a stronger emotive function, often combined with other discoursepragmatic functions, such as evaluation or the organization of discourse.
STYLISTIC REPETITION, ITS PECULIARITIES AND TYPES IN MODERN ENGLISH
It is a well-known fact that there exist various ways of expressing people's attitude towards another person, any kind of thing or this or that phenomena; there are different variants of expressing similar, though not absolutely identical ideas. It is stylistics that deals with all variants of linguistic expressions and the sub-systems making up the general system of language. Stylistic devices play the greatest role in the analysis of any kind of literary text. Among other figures of speech, repetition is one of the widely used syntactic stylistic devices.
Clausal substantivization in Spanish: syntax and constraints
2013
The nominal distribution of finite clauses in many languages has been explained by positing a nominal projection of some sort on top of the (verbal) CP. Additional evidence of such nominality has been drawn from the fact that in many of those languages a determiner can indeed top the CP projection (D + CP), thus creating a DP. In standard Spanish, speakers may optionally add such a determiner under certain semantic circumstances. Spanish finite clauses in principle fall under such a syntactic account. However, despite their nominal distribution, a constraint remains which apparently challenges such generalization. Finite clauses introduced by the complementizer que (‘that’)—que-clauses—may not combine with a determiner in spite of meeting all expected requirements. This paper offers a revision of the nominality of the Spanish finite que-clause. Special attention is devoted to the role of the determiner, arguing for a differentiation between the general nominality of finite clauses and the optional creation of a DP (D + CP) in certain contexts in Spanish. Furthermore, the paper includes an analysis of the unexpected constraint in prepositional contexts in terms of strict adjacency, which makes it possible to account for the lack of the D layer while retaining the nominality of que-clauses in Spanish.