Book Review (Gary M. Feinman, 2017): Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico (David M. Carballo, 2016) (original) (raw)

For several decades, little research has been directed towards understanding the beginnings of complex society in the Teotihuacan Valley. Recent archaeological investigations at the Early–Middle Formative site of Altica provide a fresh perspective on dating the initial establishment of agricultural villages, early social and economic differentiation, and the development of intra-and interregional exchange networks to test comparative models of political economy.

The principal conceptual axes for explaining variation in prehispanic Mesoamerican political organization (states and empires) have shifted over time. Current perspectives build on and extend beyond the important dimensions of scale and hierarchical complexity and have begun to probe the nature of leadership and governance, drawing on collective action theory and incorporating recent findings that challenge long-held statist vantages on preindustrial economies. Recent results from and archaeological correlates for the application of this approach are outlined, offering opportunities for more comparative analyses of variation and change in the practice of governance within prehispanic Mesoamerican world and more globally.

https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/citedby/10.1146/annurev-anthro-101819-110415 The mid-1990s through the first decade of the new millennium marked an increase in publications pertaining to war and violence in the ancient past. This review considers how scholars of the past decade have responded to that work. The emerging consensus is that war and violence were endemic to all societies studied by archaeologists, and yet the frequency, intensity, causes, and consequences of violence were highly variable for reasons that defy simplistic explanation. The general trend has been toward archaeologies of war and violence that focus on understanding the nuances of particular places and historical moments. Nevertheless, archaeologists continue to grapple with grand narratives of war, such as the proposition that violence has decreased from ancient to modern times and the role of war and violence in state formation and collapse. Recent research also draws attention to a more expansive definition of violence.

Public goods are "non-excludable" and "non-rivalrous" resources, including roads, water management systems, and plazas, as well as "symbolic public goods," such as religious architecture and social identity. Public goods occur in greater abundance in cities with more cooperative and inclusive forms of organization, which seems to undermine arguments that elites constructed them to augment their power. Such goods are major "pull" factors drawing migration to modern cities, but ancient cities also had public goods that likely attracted immigrants, increasing their population and diversity. We examine these ideas at Middle Preclassic-period (cal 800-300 BC) Nixtun-Ch'ich', in Petén, Guatemala. This city and other Preclassic metropoles in the Maya lowlands seem to have been on the more-cooperative end of a cooperative-competitive spectrum, compared to most cities of the Classic period (AD 200-900). We also speculate about how symbolic public goods were coopted to create a more exclusive social system in the Late Preclassic period (300 BC-AD 200).

Of the many items that were traded throughout the Postclassic (A.D. 850/900–1350) Aztatlan network, obsidian was perhaps the most prevalent. In this study, large assemblages of obsidian from five Aztatlan centers on the coastal plain are discussed: San Felipe Aztatan, Chacalilla, Amapa, Coamiles, and Peñitas. In total, over 12,000 obsidian artifacts were analyzed macroscopically and through handheld portable X-ray fluorescence. The results of these analyses illustrate regional patterns of obsidian use that appear consistent across the coastal plain. Generally, only three obsidian sources were used with frequency. The most proximal source was utilized for generalized reduction and probably acquired directly, while more distant obsidians from the Jalisco highlands are commonly found in the form of prismatic blades. These trends in obsidian use indicate an increase in source diversity concurrent with the development of the Aztatlan trade networks despite the local availability of quality obsidians. Finally, synchronic patterns of source distribution further indicate that sources were unevenly distributed as certain individuals likely had greater access to imported blades. In conclusion, this large study provides a regional perspective of obsidian use in Western Mexico on the coastal plain and showcases the pervasiveness of the obsidian trade during the Postclassic.

Writing has often been put forth as one indicator of civilization. This correspondence dovetails with the even broader cross-species expectation that the degrees of social complexity and levels of computational communication should closely correlate. Although in a general sense across human cooperative arrangements, a basic relationship between these variables undoubtedly exists, more detailed and fine-grained analyses indicate important axes of variability. Here, our focus is on prehispanic Mesoamerica and the means of computation and communication employed over more than three millennia (ca. 1500 BCE-1520 CE). We take a multiscalar and diachronic analytical frame, in which we look at 30 central places, six macroregions, and Mesoamerica as whole. By unraveling elements of "social complexity", and decoupling computation from communication, we illustrate that institutional differences in governance had a marked effect on the specific modes and technologies through which prehispanic Mesoamerican peoples communicated across time and space. Demographic and spatial scale, though relevant, do not alone determine time/space diversity in media of computational communication. This article is part of the theme issue "Evolution of Collective Computational Abilities of (Pre)Historic Societies".

The emergence of cities was one of humanity’s great transformations. As Robert McC. Adams recognized early in his career, the process of early urbanization was most profitably considered from a comparative perspective. Over subsequent decades scholars have significantly expanded our empirical knowledge of these ancient places and their hinterlands, yet they have reached surprisingly little consensus regarding where to focus their comparative as opposed to idiosyncratic lenses. Nor have general covering laws regarding early cities and their development been broadly accepted. In this essay I undertake a reconsideration of the comparative perspective on early urbanism, advocating the explanation of patterns of diversity or variation in the histories and characteristics of early cities, and a focus on fleshing out social mechanisms that link distinctive micro-patterns of behavior with macro-processes that characterize different sequences of urban development. The reframing of how we loo...