The Trajectory of Reform in Turkmenistan: Implications for Foreign Oil Companies (original) (raw)
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This article focuses on the power shifts in Turkmenistan between the rule of Muhammetnazar Gapurov, the long-term First Secretary of the Turkmen SSR Communist Party and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The special focus is on the transformation of the elite, power structures and political culture under Saparmurat Niyazov and the emergence and struggle of the alternative groups trying to challenge the order established under the last First Secretary. It argues that Niyazov developed the political culture set up under Gapurov, adding his personal character to the process. These factors determined the largely unsuccessful attempt of the alternative and opposition groups to change the Turkmen SSR in the last stages of perestroika. The political culture established in these and the first subsequent years within independent Turkmenistan also determined the character of the Turkmen regime and the composition of the elite for many years ahead, with significant impact on the system under...
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Located in current debates on one party dictatorships and regime durability, this article explores continuity and disruptions within the Turkmen political elite in their transition from presidents Saparmurat Niyazov (1991-2006) to Gurbanguly Berdymuhamedov (2007- ). We are particularly interested in how the change from an idiosyncratic system, based mainly on president Niyazov's personality cult and visible repression of potential opponents, evolved into a more refined system under his successor, Berdymuhamedov. We will thus look at regime efforts to re-brand Turkmenistan without substantially changing the domestic political structures and dynamics. These include the manufacture of ‘opposition parties’ and holding of formal elections every five years while retaining absolute control over the most important political aspects of the country. By doing this, we will suggest the existence of a two-fold strategy to maintain the status quo based on authoritarian tendencies and learning. Whilst the shift from the first to the second president has brought significant changes, it also demonstrates essential continuities that helped the formation of 1) an official domestic and international narrative proclaiming commitment to a number of international standards and national values and 2) strict control of most, if not all, aspects of national political life (or what is perceived to be political).
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Central Asia Program, 2022
A key and persistent question across all former Soviet space, and especially pronounced in Central Asia, is that of succession; not only who the leaders are, but also how they obtain their positions. The five Central Asian states, and Azerbaijan, have watched and learned from one another since becoming independent in 1991. This article discusses the Turkmen approach to leadership succession. The word “serdar”, which can be a man’s name, means “leader” and was the Turkmen title bestowed upon Stalin. Here we delve into serdarism, to explore how Turkmenistan’s personalized rule turned into a dynastic regime. On 12 March, Turkmenistan held a presidential election. The result was never in doubt. The people of Turkmenistan understood that there was one real candidate out of the nine who ran: the sitting president’s son, Serdar Berdimuhamedow. Indeed, the Turkmen people labeled this election the “Serdar election” just days after Serdar announced his candidacy. Serdar won, but Turkmen do not believe that their lives will change in any noticeable way. Via email one Turkmen wrote, “We are not expecting changes. It can’t be worse than the previous one” [Üýtgeşiklige garaşamyzok. Oňkuden erbet bolmasa bolýar.]. The first son, who had become known in official sources as “the son of the nation,” now joins the short list of Turkmenistan’s leaders, continuing in the autocratic tradition.
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Resource Nationalism Trends in Turkmenistan, 2004–2009
2010
Among the former Soviet countries, Turkmenistan is the second largest gas producer, after Russia; moreover, it possesses the world’s fourth largest gas reserves. However, it has also been the slowest to adapt to independence and the market economy. Its self-imposed isolation has limited foreign involvement, even in its most promising economic sectors. With the sudden death of Turkmenistan’s first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, his successor, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, now controls vast hydrocarbon resources. The new leadership has been pushing hard to increase foreign investment, particularly in the energy sector, which still lacks investment and technology. While some steps have been taken to improve the investment climate, other policies adopted by the government have hindered the operations of international oil companies (IOCs). Positive changes include the adoption of a new law ‘On Hydrocarbon Resources’ and the creation of a State Agency for Management and Use of Hydrocarbon Resources under the president of the country. The new law allows for the extension of contracts from 25 to 35 years; and with the State Agency, power over the sector is concentrated into one legal entity. The creation of this agency also represents a move towards greater centralization in the energy sector.
2019
The aim of this thesis is to analyze the permanent neutrality policy of Turkmenistan, during the periods of the first and second presidents of the country (Saparmurad Niyazov Turkmenbashi, 1985-2006 and Gurbanguly Berdimuhammedov, 2006-present) in a comparative way by using Efraim Karsh’s neutrality model. In 1991, five Central Asian countries declared independence and seceded from the Soviet Union. Despite the fact that all of these states had more or less similar political and legal conditions back then, after 27 years they all ended up very differently. Among the five Central Asian countries, only Turkmenistan adopted this policy. Turkmenistan’s neutral status has played an important role in establishing cooperation with many states in the political, economic, humanitarian and other spheres, and in implementing a multilateral foreign policy strategy. This thesis, by providing a comparative analysis of how permanent neutrality is implemented in the country looks at the regional dy...