Articulatory, positional and contextual characteristics of palatal consonants: Evidence from Majorcan Catalan (original) (raw)
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Differences in Base of Articulation for Consonants among Catalan Dialects
Phonetica, 2010
Electropalatographic data for several front lingual consonants, i.e., the dental /t/, the alveolars /n, l, s, r/ and the alveolopalatals /tʃ, ʃ, ʎ, ɲ/, show differences in constriction anteriority among Catalan dialects varying in the progression Valencian > Eastern, with the Majorcan dialect occupying an intermediate position. These differences do not conform to speaker-dependent differences in palate morphology and, to the extent that they operate on a varied range of consonants, may be attributed to base of articulation. Deviations from this pattern are associated with manner of articulation and symmetry demands. A specific dialect-dependent relationship between tongue dorsum contact and constriction fronting is interpreted assuming the existence of less laminal, more apical dental and alveolar stops, and less dorsal, more laminal alveolopalatals, in Valencian than in the other two dialects. These data are interpreted in terms of the articulatory characteristics for different tongue front settings which have been proposed in the literature.
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This paper looks for an interpretation of the phonetic factors causing consonant lenition and elision to occur through an analysis of intervocalic [j] in Majorcan, a dialect of Catalan spoken in the Mediterranean island of Majorca. Articulatory and acoustic data for several Majorcan Catalan speakers still producing the palatal glide in all word positions and segmental environments show that the consonant is lower and more variable in intervocalic position than word initially and word finally. Lowering is enhanced by the presence of contextual low and mid low front vowels, mostly so if stressed and placed immediately after the palatal glide. Inspection of [VjV] formant trajectories suggests that, in spite of undergoing articulatory reduction, [j] is produced with an independent articulatory gesture; moreover, coarticulatory effects between the palatal glide and the following vowel may render the former phonetic segment perceptually indistinguishable from the latter and thus prone to undergo elision. Strongly lenited variants of intervocalic [j] appear to be receding, and conservative speakers show specially low realizations of the palatal glide which may have been widely spread among the speaking population at the time that the intervocalic consonant underwent systematic elision in some areas of Majorca in the past. These findings are in support of the notion that the lenition and subsequent elision of intervocalic consonants are assisted by contextual and prosodic factors.
Lingual kinematics and coarticulation for alveolopalatal and velar consonants in Catalan
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 2010
Vertical lingual movement data for the alveolopalatal consonants /ʃ/ and /F/ and for the dorsovelar consonant /k/ in Catalan /aCa/ sequences produced by three speakers reveal that the tongue body travels a smaller distance at a slower speed and in a longer time during the lowering period extending from the consonant into the following vowel ͑CV͒ than during the rising period extending from the preceding vowel into the consonant ͑VC͒. For two speakers, two-phase trajectories characterized by two successive velocity peaks occur more frequently during the former period than during the latter, whether associated with tongue blade and dorsum ͑for alveolopalatals͒ or with the tongue dorsum articulator alone ͑for velars͒. Greater tongue dorsum involvement for /F/ and /k/ than for /ʃ/ accounts for a different kinematic relationship between the four articulatory phases. The lingual gesture for alveolopalatals and, less so, that for velars may exert more prominent spatial and temporal effects on V2 than on V1 which is in agreement with the salience of the C-to-V carryover component associated with these consonants according to previous coarticulation studies. These kinematic and coarticulation data may be attributed to tongue dorsum biomechanics to a large extent.
On the articulatory classification of (alveolo)palatal consonants
Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 2013
Linguopalatal and sagittal vocal tract configuration data from a large number of languages reveal that the so-called palatal consonants (i.e. [ç ʎ c ɲ j]), as well as the vowel [i], are often realized simultaneously at the alveolar and palatal zones. Moreover, while some of these sound categories may also exhibit a palatal constriction ([ç c ɲ j i]), others are exclusively alveolar or alveolopalatal in line with the manner of articulation characteristics involved ([ʎ], also [ɕ] and [tʃ]). Consonants may favor one or more places of articulation and differ in fronting degree depending on the language taken into consideration; moreover, there appears to be a symmetry requirement by which consonants differing in manner, such as [c] and [ɲ], may agree in place. The data reported in this paper argue in favor of a revision of the articulatory classification of palatal consonants by the International Phonetic Alphabet involving their subdivision into two classes, an alveolopalatal and a pal...
Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 2005
Electropalatographic and acoustic data reported in this study show differences in closure location and degree, dorsopalatal contact size, closure duration, relative timing of events and formant frequency between clear /l/ and dark /l/ in two dialects of Catalan (Valencian and Majorcan). The two Catalan dialects under investigation differ also regarding degree of darkness but essentially not regarding coarticulatory resistance at the word edges, i.e. the alveolar lateral is equally dark word-initially and word-finally in Majorcan, and clearer in the former position vs. than the latter in Valencian, and more resistant to vowel effects in the two positions than intervocalically in both dialects. With reference to data from the literature, it appears that languages and dialects may differ as to whether /l/ is dark or clear in all word positions or whether or not initial /l/ is clearer than final /l/, and that articulatory strengthening occurs not only word-and utterance-initially but word-and utterance-finally as well. These and other considerations confirm the hypothesis that degree of darkness in /l/ proceeds gradually rather than categorically from one language to another.
Coarticulation, assimilation and blending in Catalan consonant clusters
Journal of Phonetics, 2001
Electropalatographic data on C-to-C coarticulatory e!ects were analyzed for consonant clusters composed of an extensive set of Catalan consonants, i.e., dentals (t), alveolars (n, dark l, s, trilled r), alveolopalatals (ʃ, V, E), palatals ( j) and velars (k). Regarding tongue dorsum coarticulation, results show that consonantal e!ects in CC clusters are more prominent than vocalic e!ects in VCV sequences which is attributed to di!erences in articulatory control between consonants and vowels. Moreover, tongue dorsum lowering for the alveolar fricative and for the alveolar trill appears to be more coarticulation resistant than tongue dorsum raising and fronting for alveolopalatals. Data at the place of articulation show some interesting trends: on the one hand, sequences made of dentals (t), and fronter alveolars and alveolopalatals (i.e., n, l, V, E) yield articulatory blending; on the other hand, any of these consonants may assimilate to those alveolar and alveolopalatal consonants which exhibit a more retracted place of articulation (s, r, ʃ ), but not vice versa. These "ndings are in agreement with the &°ree of articulatory constraint'' (DAC) model which relates coarticulatory and assimilatory e!ects to the degree of articulatory constraint involved in consonantal production, and predicts that fricatives and trills should be highly constrained both at the tongue front and at the tongue dorsum. Data on the relative strength of the anticipatory and carry-over e!ects reported in this paper are also to a large extent in agreement with predictions of the DAC model.
Phonetic Typology and Positional Allophones for Alveolar Rhotics in Catalan
Phonetica, 2007
The present study reports electropalatographic and acoustic data on the positional and contextual characteristics of alveolar taps and trills in Majorcan, Valencian and Eastern Catalan. The two consonant classes are invariably opposed by degree of tongue dorsum contact and F2, but only differentiated by place of articulation when constriction location for the trill is sufficiently retracted. Trills are produced with less than three contacts and may exhibit a single contact in utterance-initial position and, less often, in /Cr, VrV/ sequences. Word-final and, to a lesser extent, preconsonantal rhotics are implemented as taps in Majorcan and Valencian, and strengthened into trills in Eastern Catalan. Moreover, there appears to be an inverse relationship between initial strengthening, and intervocalic weakening and the absence of syllable-final strengthening, for Valencian rhotics, which could be indicative of a pattern of intersegmental organization. Shortening and articulatory reduction turned out not to be necessarily related for extremely short Valencian taps, which undergo much undershoot intervocalically but are highly constricted in /Cɾ, rC/ sequences. Other research aspects such as devoicing and intergestural timing for Catalan alveolar rhotics are also investigated.
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 2009
Lingual movement data for Catalan vowel-consonant-vowel sequences reveal differences in contextual coarticulatory variability in tongue position at the middle of the consonant for /p / Ͼ / n / Ͼ dark /l / Ͼ / s / Ͼ / b / Ͼ / F/ and at vowel midpoint for /u / Ͼ / a / Ͼ / i/. The velar stop /k/ exhibits a high degree of contextual variability in the horizontal dimension but not in the vertical dimension. These differences in coarticulatory sensitivity are attributed to differences in articulatory constraint, e.g., palatality and frication cause a higher degree of resistance in the consonant than laterality. A higher degree of contextual variability for dark /l/ than expected appears to be associated with speaker-dependent differences in darkness degree. Contextual variability is greater at regions not involved in closure or constriction formation, e.g., at the tongue dorsum than at the tongue front for alveolars. Coarticulatory resistance and coarticulatory aggressiveness are positively correlated: Phonetic segments, which are especially resistant to coarticulatory effects from the adjacent segments, exert maximal coarticulation on them. Consequently, highly constrained segments such as alveolopalatal consonants turn out to affect tongue position for less constrained segments such as back vowels rather than vice versa.
Articulatory reduction and coarticulation in Catalan three-consonant sequences
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 2015
, ø/ were collected in order to test the hypothesis that the velar stop is most prone to be reduced and deleted next to consonants involving high articulatory and aerodynamic demands. Analysis results reveal the absence of a velar stop closure in about half of the sequence tokens, mostly so when /k/ occurs after /s/ and before an oral stop presumably due to the high manner of articulation requirements involved. On the other hand, /Ck#C/ sequences where a /k/ closure period is available show a prominent realization of the velar stop mostly next to /s, z/. This scenario points to two different production mechanisms for threeconsonant sequences with contextual obstruents: articulatory reduction and elision, and a slowing down and an increase in articulatory salience, of the velar stop. /Ck#C/ sequences lacking an acoustic closure for /k/ were found to show a residual velar stop articulation which was implemented through an increase in cluster duration and in dorsopalatal contact at the approximate /k/ location in comparison to identical /C#C/ sequences with no /k/. V
An Electropalatographic Study of Alveolar and Palatal Consonants in Catalan and Italian
Language and Speech, 1993
Electropalatographic data for Catalan and Italian reported in this paper reveal the existence of two categories of palatal consonants, namely, alveolopalatals ([n], [λ]) and palatals proper ([j]). All these consonants are produced with a single place of articulation and thus are not good candidates for complex segments involving a tongue front articulator and a tongue dorsum articulator. A higher degree of coupling between the primary articulator and other tongue regions for alveolopalatals and palatals than for alveolar [n] accounts for a reduced sensitivity to coarticulatory effects for the former vs. the latter. Alveolarpalatal correlations reported in this study support the notion of relative independence between different tongue articulators for non-dorsal vs. dorsal consonants. Differences in articulation and coarticulation were found for Italian vs. Catalan. In comparison with their Catalan counterparts, Italian shows the following properties: Consonants are more anterior, [n...