Murder in Abstract; the absent sense of intensity in sources of conflict history (original) (raw)
Related papers
Unpacking Violent Contention: The Troubles in Northern Ireland, 1968–1972
Terrorism and Political Violence, 2018
This paper systematically describes the different types of political violence that occurred in Northern Ireland between 1968 and 1972, examining how they interacted and fueled each other. To measure the level of political violence in Northern Ireland, traditional quantitative approaches use variables such as the number of conflict-related deaths, paramilitary attacks, or riots; the goal of this paper, instead, is to disaggregate acts of violent contention by actor, type, and target. Relying on Quantitative Narrative Analysis (QNA), all the violent actions perpetrated by the actors participating in the conflict have been recorded, coded, and analyzed. Three main types of violence in Northern Ireland are identified: a) protestrelated violence-violent interactions among protesters, counterprotesters, and police before, during, and after mass demonstrations; b) sectarian violence-includes riots and clashes between members of the two main ethno-national communities; and c) armed conflict-violent actions by paramilitary groups and security forces. While originating from different conflict situations, these three types of violence affected each other, as they altered, and were altered by, the broader political context. Conceptual and methodological disaggregation of political violence are encouraged to better understand violent conflicts.
This article examines the murder of two British Army corporals by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in March 1988. In doing so it reveals much about the micro dynamics of the political violence which occurred during the Northern Ireland conflict. The central theoretical contention of the article is that most human beings are not particularly good at violence, and for the most part, irrespective of motive, can only participate in such actions when they have what is defined as attacker advantage. The attacker advantage principle stipulates that on most occasions when most humans feel it necessary or choose to resort to offensive violence, they do so on the premise of having the advantage, or a perceived advantage, over their intended target.
EXPLAINING POLITICAL VIOLENCE AGAINST CIVILIANS IN NORTHERN IRELAND: A CONTENTION-ORIENTED APPROACH
Mobilization, 2012
In contrast to prevalent theories of terrorism, this study develops a contention-oriented approach where levels and forms of political violence against civilians depend upon: (1) the strategies of combatants; (2) the means of contention; (3) the locations of allies and opponents; (4) the collective identities of combatants; and (5) the dynamics of contention, including whether or not representatives of paramilitary organizations are included in formal peace processes. Quantitative analyses of a multi-source database of civilian deaths taking place in Northern Ireland between 1966 and 2006 offer preliminary support for this approach. The study underscores the insights provided by theories and methods used in the fields of social movements research and peace and conflict studies. The concept of terrorism is deeply emotive, power-laden, and contested. Thus, the frequent use of the term "terror" in public discourse provides an opportunity for academic research to resonate with the public. Yet, use of the term in research runs the danger of scholarly work legitimating the agendas of the powerful while overlooking oppression as an underlying source of insurgency. It also runs the risks of glossing over variations in the actors responsible for political violence against civilians as well as differences in the motivations of those responsible. These dangers and risks are evidenced by the ad-hoc analyses found in the 9/11 literature. Much of this work is based on theories that have been discredited in the fields of social movement research and peace and conflict studies. In contrast, this article calls for a contention-oriented approach to understanding political violence against civilians. We conceptualize four distinct types of political violence against civilians-selective, collective, categorical, and indiscriminate. Moreover, we argue that five facets of contention help to explain variations in the levels and forms of political violence against civilians: (1) the strategies of combatants; (2) the means of contention; (3) the locations of allies and opponents; (4) the collective identities of combatants; and (5) the dynamics of contention, including dynamics related to peace processes. Quantitative analyses of lethal political violence against civilians in Northern Ireland between 1966 and 2006 are used to illustrate the utility of the four-part typology, as well as to assess hypotheses regarding factors influencing each type of political violence against civilians. The analyses largely support our hypotheses, underscoring the promise of a contention-oriented approach. THEORETICAL APPROACHES BEYOND "TERROR" Scholars have developed a myriad of definitions of terror that variously emphasize the perpetrator of violence, the target of violence, and the intent of violence. We argue that because _______________________________ * Our deepest appreciation goes to Jeff Goodwin for his inspiration, insights, and research assistants for this project. We also thank Denis O'Hearn, Lee Smithey, Robert White, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions. Earlier versions of this article were presented at the
The Media and Memories of Conflict in Northern Ireland
Journal of Children and Media, 2009
and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution , reselling , loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
See No Evil, Hear No Evil'. Insidious Paramilitary Violence in Northern Ireland
British Journal of Criminology, 2002
Northern Ireland has been variously described as having an 'imperfect peace' in which 'acceptable levels of violence' persist. Despite the endorsement of the main political parties to the principles of 'democracy and non-violence' enshrined in the Belfast Agreement, an insidious and brutalizing form of paramilitary violence continues within communities. The government has opted to 'see no evil, hear no evil' given what is at stake in the wider political process. According to this approach, one must accept certain violent excesses in the interest of moving forward politically. This, however, creates both conceptual and practical problems around the issue of violence in Northern Ireland. By conceding that paramilitaries 'police' the informal criminal justice system in their areas with political and, in most cases, legal impunity, the government, de facto, defines what is 'an acceptable level of violence'. This paper considers the nature and extent of ongoing paramilitary violence, how it has become enmeshed in the negotiated settlement and the consequences of this politicization of violence. Northern Ireland is synonymous with the word violence, having the unenviable record of some 3,600 deaths as a direct result of the political conflict since 1969. 1 Its worst terrorist atrocity, the Omagh bomb (15 August 1998), in which 29 people died and 220 were injured came only months after referenda in which the people of Ireland (north and south) endorsed the outcome of the multi-party talks on a political settlement. The republican and loyalist ceasefires , the Belfast Agreement and devolved government in Stormont have created circumstances where sectarian killings and bombings are declining. In 1999, for example, seven civilians were murdered, the lowest figure since the 'troubles' began, and the first year ever that no security force personnel were killed (RUC statistics: Northern Ireland Office 2000). Northern Ireland is, tentatively, in a period of transition to a post-conflict era. Such confidence in the new political and constitutional dispensation was buoyed up by statements from Gerry Adams who said 'Sinn Féin believes the violence we have seen must be for all of us now a thing of the past, over with and gone' (Sinn Féin statement, 1 September 1998). Whilst this did not amount to Unionist demands for a declaration that 'the war is over' or show any remorse 164
The pre-1969 historiography of the Northern Ireland conflict: a reappraisal
Irish Historical Studies, 2015
This article contributes to the the mapping of the 'pathways of transmission' of the Northern Ireland 'problem' by drawing attention to three problematic aspects of John Whyte's appraisal of the pre-1969 historiography, in Interpreting Northern Ireland (1990): that the work of T. W. Moody and J. C. Beckett and their fellow historians before 1969 was 'lightweight' and 'bland'; that they effectively ignored Ulster's history of sectarian rioting until Andrew Boyd's book Holy war in Belfast (1969) brought it 'back into the consciousness of historians'; and that the 'external conflict paradigm' was 'dominant' in their discourse. These are examined in sections II-V. The content of the pre-1969 historiography is examined in section I and a preliminary reappraisal is offered in section VI.
The Radicalization of Contention in Northern Ireland, 1968-1972: A Relational Perspective
Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 2013
This article investigates the radicalization of contention in Northern Ireland between 1968 and 1972 using a relational perspective and methodological approach. Two arenas of contention, movement-countermovement interactions and the structure of political opportunities and threats, are examined to understand the outbreak of the "Troubles" in Northern Ireland. The evolution of radical contention is explored through Quantitative Narrative Analysis (QNA), an innovative method that systematically records social actors and their interactions within an event. Relying on computer-assisted story grammars [the Subject (S) - Action (A) - Object (O) sequence and their modifiers] to parse narrative data, 6,035 semantic triplets were stored in a relational database. Sequential network models are used to analyze the database and reconstruct the nature and evolution of the interactions among the main political actors involved in the Troubles. Four distinct phases of the conflict are unve...
HISTORICAL-LEGAL VISION OF THE NORTHERN IRISH CONFLICT THROUGH FICTIONAL NARRATIVE
SAN MIGUEL, E., Una terrible belleza ha nacido, 2021
UNDERSTANDING SECTARIANISM as the attitude or characteristic of people who defend and follow an idea with fanaticism without admitting criticism, the conflicts generated by the differences between different religious confessions have marked some periods with maximum violence. Like any human expression, they have all been reflected, in one way or another, in art. Whether in film, literature or painting, the wildest scenes of intolerance in history have been recorded.