Challenges of Cushitic reduplication for Generalized Template Theory (original) (raw)
Related papers
The Phonology and Morphology of Reduplication (review)
2002
The myriad processes of reduplication have often been romanticized as providing a 'blueprint'for phonology—a window into larger mechanisms of morphological expression and phonological computation. Eric Raimy's book, a revised version of his 1999 dissertation at the University of Delaware, presents an entirely new theoretical framework for the analysis of the various patterns of reduplication attested in the world's languages.
Reduplication: Doubling in Morphology, by Sharon Inkelas and Cheryl Zoll, presents a new theory of reduplication, Morphological Doubling Theory (henceforth MDT), which reanalyzes the fundamental identity relation in reduplication as morphosyntactic. Most current theories of reduplication, building on and earlier work such as Wilbur , assume some version of Base-Reduplicant Correspondence Theory (BRCT), which requires surface phonological identity between the base and the reduplicant. In MDT, reduplicative constructions call for multiple copies of stems, which have independent inputs and are subject to independent phonotactic and morphotactic requirements. Surface phonological identity between the two reduplicative copies, as well as surface phonological non-identity, is therefore an indirect byproduct of identity of morphosyntactic features, as mediated by phonological and morphological requirements on each copy and on the entire reduplicative construction.
Locality Requirements in Reduplication: SyllableProximity-BR
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology, 2014
Several languages show phenomena of order-disrupting reduplication, in which the linear order expected on the basis of related forms does not surface faithfully in the reduplicated form, and the Reduplicant is minimal and atemplatic. Take, for instance, the basic pattern of plural reduplication in Pima (Uto-Aztecan: Arizona): in this pattern, the initial consonant of the non-reduplicated form occurs twice in the reduplicated form, once in the onset and once in the coda of the initial syllable . The second occurrence of the consonant interrupts the string of elements as that string occurs in the input; therefore, the output Base string is not faithful to its corresponding Input string. In , the input string /mavit/, as evinced by the non-reduplicated form [ma.vit], is not preserved faithfully in the reduplicated form [mam.vit]. * I thank Khalil Iskarous and Rachel Walker for their extensive comments on earlier versions of this project. I thank my Saisiyat consultant, 'Oemaw a 'Oebay Tawtawazay (Chao Shan-He), for sharing his vast knowledge of his mother tongue, and my fieldwork partner and Mandarin translator, Huilin Fang. I thank the Tsai Fund at USC for their generous funding of my research in Taiwan. I thank the audiences at USC Phonology Lunch and the Phonology 13 conference for their input. And most importantly, I thank my adviser, Karen Jesney, for her indispensable advice and support throughout this project.
Morphological Templates in Reduplication
North East Linguistics Society, 1996
Reduplicative morphemes (RED) have two properties: they have an invariant shape and their segmental content varies with the neighbouring segments. The invariant shape of RED has bee n attributed to skeletal or prosod ic tem p lates (Marantz 1982; Levin 1982; Clements 1985; Mester 1986; McCarthy & Prince 19 8 6). While prosodic templates can account for overall size, they do not explain certain observed shape properties such as being V-initial. Further, they say nothing about segmental quality. Any segmental identity or non-identity effects are attributed to the interleaving of morphological and phonological components (Kiparsky 1986) or to refinements of the copy mechanism (Clements 1985; Mester 1986). Recently, McCarthy and Prince (1994a) proposed that the shape of RED fo llows from its morphological classification. Templatic properties emerge because RED IS segmentally empty and can exhibit the unmarked morpheme shape-Generalized Template Theory (henceforth GT). Defining RED morphologically eliminates templates per se from the grammar (cf. Steriade 1988; McCarthy and Prince 1994ab). Downing (to appear) has also observed that the final /a/ in CVCa reduplication in some Bantu languages, can be explained by refering to morphological category (in this case RED must be the canonical verb stem). This paper will argue that both the shape and segmental content of RED fo llow from morphological classification, showing that GT has greater explanatory power than templatic theories of reduplication. Moreover, reduplicative morphemes which do not coincide with a prosodic category are explained because they exhibit the unmarked morpheme shape. An analysis of two reduplicative afftxes in Lushootseed (Southern Coast Salish) will I would like to thank the paniciparus of NELS 26, the UMass/Rutgers class, and the NSF group for !herr stml11ating �ons and comments. Spectal thanks are due to John McCarthy and Laura Beoua for hours of critical disruss ioo and to Doug Pulleyblank and Pat Shaw for conunents on an earlier draft. All enors are mine. Tius research was fuiXIed in pan by NSF grant SBR-9420424 and SSHRCC post doctoral fe llowship 756-95-0657. 425
Template form in prosodic morphology
1993
The study of reduplicative and root-and-pattern morphology has emerged in recent years as a touchstone for the relation between the theory of phonology and the theory of word formation. In reduplicative and root-and-pattern morphology, grammatical distinctions are expressed by imposing a fixed phonological shape on varying segmental material.